E 



ADDRESS 

GIVEN AT A MEETING OF THE 

^ Colorado Commandery 

OF THE 

Military Order 

OF THE 

Loyal Legion of the United States 

DENVER, COLORADO 
SEPTEMBER 1\ 1909 

BY 

COMPANION 
MAJOR HARRISON HANNAHS 



Published by Order of the CommanderJ^ 

Col. George R. Swallow, 

Commander. 

Lieut. Austin W. Hogle, 

Recorder. 




ri;iss E517 
Book ■Ka4 



i'iii;si-;NTi;i) my 



ADDRESS 



GIVEN AT A MEETING OF THE 

Colorado Commandery 
Military Order 

OF THE 

Loyal Legion of the United States 

DENVER, COLORADO 
SEPTEMBER 7. 1909 

BY 

COMPANION 
MAJOR HARRISON HANNAHS 



Published by Order of the Commandery. 

Col. George R. Swallow, 

Commander. 
Lieut. Austin W. Hogle, 

Recorder. 



PARADIS' PRINT 

1814 Arapahoe Street 

Denver, Colorado 



Esq 



00 



War's Cruelty on the Border. 



^ ''Man's inhumanity to man, 

£ Makes countless thousands mourn." 

General Sherman said to the Mayor of Atlanta: 
"War is cruelty; you cannot refine it." 

My experience and observation in Kansas and Mis- 
souri, in the early days and on down through the war, 
compels me to give unqualified assent to the sentiment 
thus expressed by General Sherman. 

The Kansas-Nebraska bill became a law May 30th, 
1854. That law legalized slavery in the territory of 
Kansas from which it had been excluded since 1820. 
The Missouri border had been peaceful during all that 
time, but now the scene suddenly shifted. Within ten 
days after the passage of that bill the hitherto peaceful 
border became the scene of wild fanaticism, intimidation 
and terrorism. The struggle was on to make Kansas a 
slave state. Freedom upon one side and slavery on the 
other, with all the power of the national government on 
the side of slavery. 

The world will never know, nor duly appreciate 
how much it owes to Kansas for the heroic part it played 
in the great tragedy. 

The free state men did not strive for the abolition 
of slavery in the slave states — only to make Kansas a 
free-state. For this they prayed ; for this they fought ; 
for this they sacrificed. Then began the greatest conflict 
of modern times, and history, truthfully recorded, will 
date the beginning of the war of the rebellion, May 30th, 
1854, the date when the Kansas-Nebraska bill became a 

3 



law. ''Years afterward when May 30th was selected as 
the day for tears and flowers, they who chose it uncon- 
sciously set history to music." So Decoration Day be- 
comes the anniversary of the beginning of the Civil War. 

The condition of the Missouri border from the be- 
ginning of the conflict was unique. The fiery utterances 
from press and platform inflamed the baser passions of 
men and urged them on to deeds of death and destruc- 
tion. History furnishes no parallel with which to com- 
pare it! The flaming torch, the glistening bowie-knife 
and the deadly revolver got in their ruinous and sanguin- 
ary work continuously from start to finish. Human 
passion never before in the annals of time flamed with 
such relentless and unbridled fury. A complete history 
of that period will never be recorded in books. It is im- 
possible. The ashes from the torch of the incendiary are 
silent. The thirsty ground that drank in the blood of the 
slain cannot speak. The heavens witnessed all the 
ghastly scenes of cruelty perpetrated in Kansas and Mis- 
souri during the eleven years of the terrible struggle, and 
the}' are voiceless. 

Why should the conditions on the border then have 
been any different than before the conflict began? What 
was it that set father against son, neighbor against 
neighbor, brother against brother? 

Tf the institution of slavery was such a despotic ty- 
rant as to require its votaries to commit every crime in 
the category — treason, murder, arson, ad infinitum — 
was it not high time that such a monstrosity should be 
banished from the earth? 

I might relate instances in my own experience, and 
quote from records in my possession, cases of barbarous 
cruelty and murder until the mind wearies at the recital ; 
and then the half would not be told. 

4 



I have said the struggle to make Kansas a slave 
state began when the Kansas-Nebraska bill became a 
law. I will now relate some instances corroborating this 
statement. 

June lo, 1854, ten days after the bill passed, a num- 
ber of Missourians met three miles from Fort Leaven- 
worth and - organized a Squatters' Claim Association. 
They adopted a set of rules for their guidance. I quote 
two of them: 

1st. ''We will afford no protection to abolitionists 
as settlers in Kansas Territory. 

2nd. "That a vigilance committee of thirteen be ap- 
pointed to decide upon all disputes. 

A Missouri newspaper called The Democratic Plat- 
form, in 1854, said : 

"We are in favor of making Kansas a slave state if 
it should require half the citizens of Missouri, musket in 
hand, to emigrate there and even sacrificing their lives 
to accomplish so desirable an end." Another Missouri 
paper. Western Champion, responded — "Them's Our 
Sentiments." The Kansas Pioneer, published at Kick- 
apoo, April 1855, said, "The Southern character is not 
made of material that can stand every insult offered by 
this God-forsaken class of men, and if the virgin soil of 
Kansas must be enriched and purified by American blood, 
we say war to the knife and knife to the hilt and damned 
be he who first cries, hold! enough.'' — April 14, 1855. 
The Parkville Luminary, Geo. S. Park's paper; (Geo. S. 
Parks was the founder of Parkville, and of Park Col- 
lege), was destroyed and thrown into the river, because 
the editor criticised Missourians for going over into Kan- 
sas and voting. The men who did the job held a meeting 
and adopted a set of resolutions, one of which was "That 
we meet here again on this day three weeks, and if we 

5 



find G. S. Parks or W. J. Patterson in this town then or 
at any subsequent time, we will throw them into the Mis- 
souri river, and if they go to Kansas to reside, we pledge 
our honor as men to follow and hang them whenever we 
can take them." The Annals of Platte Co., by W. M. 
Paxton, says of Parks, *'His dust now reposes at the very 
spot whence he was banished in life and a colossal 
marble monument to his honor overlooks the place where 
his press was submerged." The most pronounced and 
active of the leaders of the pro-slavery movement in Kan- 
sas were Benj. F. Stringfellow and David R. Atchison. 
Atchison was U. S. Senator from Missouri when the 
Missouri compromise was repealed, and was the power 
behind Stephen A. Douglas, who is generally supposed 
to have been the author of that bill. I will quote from a 
speech made by Senator Atchison at a sale of lots in the 
city of Atchison, Kansas, in which he said : ''Gentlemen, 
you make a damned fuss about Douglas, but Douglas 
don't deserve the credit of the Nebraska bill. I told 
Douglas to introduce it. I originated it; I got Pierce 
committed to it and all the glory belongs to me." I will 
now quote a speech made by Benj. F. Stringfellow at St. 
Joseph, Mo., March 26, 1855, setting forth the mean- 
ing of squatter sovereignty in Kansas. He said 'T tell 
^•ou to mark every scoundrel among you that is in the 
least tainted with free-soilism or abolitionism and exter- 
minate him. Neither give nor take quarter from the 
damned rascals. I propose to mark them in this house 
and on the present occasion, so you may crush them 
out. To those who have of qualms of conscience as to 
violating laws, state or national, the crisis has arrived 
when such impositions must be disregarded as your rights 
and property are in danger and I desire one and all to 
enter every election district in Kansas, in defiance of Gov. 

6 



Reeder and his vile myrmidons and vote at the point of 
the bowie-knife and revolver. Neither give nor take 
quarter, as our cause demands it." Acting upon this ad- 
vice at the first election for members of the legislature, 
March 30, 1855, thousands of armed men rushed into the 
territory from Missouri, took possession of the polls, and 
run things to suit themselves. Electing only Missourians 
to the legislature. Only one free state man allowed a 
seat and he resigned ; about 300 of them camped on my 
claim two miles south of Topeka and voted. The legis- 
lature met and adopted the Missouri code of laws which 
made opposition to slavery a penitentiary offense. Every 
voter had to take an oath to support the fugitive slave 
law and the laws of the territory. Resistance to those 
so-called ''bogus laws" was treason. There were no 
Republicans nor Democrats — men arranged themselves 
on one side of the line as Free-State and on the other 
side as Pro-Slavery — the free-state men refused to recog- 
nize the bogus laws, would not pay taxes, would obey 
the mandates of none of their officers. The result was 
anarchy, the leaders of the free-state party were indicted 
for treason, imprisoned, murdered, their homes destroyed, 
their presses burned. 

Andrew H. Reeder, appointed by President Pierce 
the first territorial governor, in his sworn testimony be- 
fore the congressional committee in i(S56, says: ''At the 
election of the 30th of March more than one-third of the 
election officers were, as I believe, pro-slavery men. An- 
ticipating, however an invasion of illegal voters from the 
state of Missouri, I was careful to appoint in most of the 
districts, especially in those contiguous to Missouri, two 
men of the free-state party and one of the pro-slavery 
party. Notwithstanding all my efforts, however, at fair 
and impartial action, my person and my life were contin- 

7 



uotisly threatened from the month of November, 1854. 
* * * The election was held on the 30th of March, as 
ordered, and an invading force from Missouri entered the 
territory for the purpose of voting, which although it had 
been openly threatened, far exceeded my anticipations. 
About the time fixed as the return day for that election a 
majority of the persons returned as elected assembled at 
Shawnee Mission and Westport and remained several 
days, holding private caucuses at both places. I had fre- 
quent conversations with them and they strenously denied 
my right to go behind the returns made by the judges of 
election, or investigate in any way the legality of the elec- 
tion. A committee called upon me and presented a paper 
signed by twenty-three or four of them to the same effect. 
Threats of violence against my person and life, were 
freely afloat in the community and the same threats were 
reported to me as having been made by members-elect in 
their private caucuses. In consequence of its being report- 
ed to me that a number of the members in their caucuses 
in their speeches had declared that they would take my 
life if I persisted in taking cognizance of the complaints 
made against the legality of the elections, I made ar- 
rangements to assemble a small number of friends for 
flefense, and on the morning of the 6th of April I pro- 
ceeded to announce my decision upon the returns. Upon 
the one side of the room were arranged the members- 
elect, nearly if not quite all armed, and on the other side 
about fourteen of my friends, who, with myself, were also 
well armed." 

May 5, 1856, the grand jury of Douglas county 
recommended that the newspapers Herald of Freedom 
and Kansas Free State and the Free State Hotel in the 
city of Lawrence be abated as nuisances. It also indicted 
several prominent free-state men, among them Charles 

8 



Robinson, afterwards governor, and Gov. Andrew H. 
Reeder, then territorial governor, for treason. May 7th, 
two days afterward an attempt was made to arrest Gov- 
ernor Reeder, but by the aid of friends he escaped by way 
(^f Kansas City, disguised as an Irish deck-hand on a 
steamboat. In the meantime Sherifif Jones had arrested 
a number of others who had been indicted for treason 
against the bogus laws and placed them in confine- 
ment at Lecompton. A few days after, Atchison 
with a large posse from Missouri camped on Mount 
Oread, overlooking the city of Lawrence, prepared with 
artillery to abate the alleged nuisances referred to. On 
the 20th of May, 1856, he made a speech to the men of his 
camp from which I quote: "Men of the South and Mis- 
souri, I am proud of this day. I have received ofiice and 
honor before, I have occupied the vice president's place 
in the greatest republic the light of God's sun ever shone 
upon, but ruffian brothers (yells) that glory, that honor 
was nothing — it was an empty bubble compared with the 
solid grandeur and magnificent glory of this momentous 
occasion. Here on this beautiful prairie bluff with 
nought but the canopy of heaven for my covering, with 
my splendid Arabian charger for my shield, whose well 
tried fleetness I may yet have to depend upon for my life 
unless this day's work shall drive from our western world 
tlie hellish emigrants and paupers, whose bellies are filled 
with beggars' food and whose houses are stored with 
Beecher's Bibles." This speech was reported by Dr. J. P. 
Root, whom I knew personally and who was a political 
prisoner in that camp at the time. The next day, May 
21, Sheriff Jones, in obedience to the indictment of the 
grand jury, destroyed the Free State Hotel; Herald of 
Freedom and The Kansas Free State, Atchison firing 
the first shot from the cannon on the bluff. During the 

9 



burning of the block Sheriff Jones made a speech, he 
said : ''Gentlemen — this is the happiest day of my life, I 
assure you. I determined to make the fanatics bow be- 
fore me in the dust and kiss the territorial laws, I've done 
it! By God, Fve done it! " 

It will be noted that the sentiments expresed by At- 
chison, Stringfellow and others were not all political biin- 
couibc. Inflammatory speech led on to violent deeds. 
April 30, 1855, ^^^^ vigilance committee at Leavenworth 
gave notice to William Phillips, an active free-state law- 
yer in that city, to leave the territory. He refused and on 
the 17th day of May was taken to Weston, one side of his 
head shaved, stripped of his clothes, tarred and feathered, 
ridden on a rail for a mile and a half and a negro auc- 
tioneer sold him for a dollar. Stringfellow in his paper 
at Atchison said ''Let us begin to purge ourselves of all 
abolition emissaries who occupy our dominion and give 
distinct notice that all who do not leave immediately for 
the East will leave for eternity. Phillips was afterwards 
murdered in his own home, September i, 1856, by a gang 
of ruffians led by one Fred Emery, his blood spurting up- 
on the garment of a bride who was the guest of the family 
at the time. August i6th, 1855, Rev. Pardee Butler was 
placed on a log at Atchison and shipped down the Mis- 
souri river. He had previously declared himself a free- 
state man. A flag was placed on the log bearing the 
mottoes : "Eastern Aid Express ; Greeley to the rescue ; I 
have a nigger; Rev. Mr. Butler, agent to the Under- 
ground R. R." Butler was told not to return. He did 
return, however, to Atchison April 30, 1856, he was 
stripped, tarred and for want of feathers covered with 
cotton. He escaped hanging by one vote. Stringfel- 
low in his paper. The Squatter Sovereign, August 28, 
1855, said: "We can tell the impertinent scoundrels of 

10 



The Nezv York Tribune that they may exhaust an 
ocean of ink, their Emigrant Aid Societies spend their 
milhons and bilHons, their representatives in Congress 
spout their heretical theories till doomsday. And his 
excellency Franklin Pierce appoint abolitionist after 
free-soilers as governor. Yet we will continue to tar 
and feather, drown, lynch and hang every white-livered 
abolitionist who dares to pollute our soil." 

October 25th, 1855, Samuel Collins, free-state man 
killed by Patrick McLaughlin at Donipan, murderer 
not punished. 

On the 2ist of November, 1855, F. M. Coleman. 
a pro-slavery man, shot and killed C. W. Dow, a free- 
state man, near Hickory Point, Douglas county. Dow 
was unarmed and passing Coleman's house on his way 
to Jacob Branson's, with whom he lived, when Coleman 
came out and without provocation, save that he was a 
free-state man, shot him dead. This produced intense 
excitement, tlie free-state men held a meetino- where 
Dow was killed. Branson attended the meeting; Sher- 
iff Jones, instead of arresting Coleman for the murder 
of Dow, on the night following entered Branson's cabin, 
found him in bed, arrested him at the mouth of a revol- 
ver. The only charge against Branson was that he at- 
tended the indignation meeting of the free-state men. 
As soon as the arrest of Branson was known, a party uf 
about fifteen free-state men, led by J. B. Abbott, S. N. 
\\'ood, S. F. Tappen, resolved on a rescue and under 
cover of the night intercepted the sheriff and his posse 
of fifteen. Upon Jones' approach, Abbott filed his men 
in line across the road and called a halt, demanding the 
release of Branson, Jones threatened to shoot Branson 
if he moved, Abbott, with guns leveled at Jones, called 
upon Branson to come over with them, Branson rode 

11 



over to the side of his rescuers and Abbott and his party 
rode on towards Lawrence. As they reached Abbott's 
house, Mrs. Abbott came out and assisted Branson^ 
who was an old man, quite heavy, to ahght from his 
mule upon which he w^as riding without any saddle, and 
led him into the house. He was very feeble and could 
hardly walk. Jones, after threatening to bring 1,500 men 
from Missouri within ten days and re-take Branson 
rode off with his posse to Franklin and sent messages 
to Colonel Boone at Westport, Mo., for men. A few 
days thereafter from 1,500 to 2,000 men came up from 
Missouri and camped at Franklin, a few miles from 
Lawrence, and threw their pickets out in every direction. 
So it was not safe for free-state men to go outside Law- 
rence unarmed alone ; they were in danger of being shot 
down. General Lane had command of the free-state 
forces in Lawrence. They were short of ammunition 
and Lane, considerably excited, said to Mrs. G. W. 
Brown, the wife of the proprietor of The Hcrold of 
Freedom, and Mrs. S. N. Wood, 'T do not know what 
we are going to do, as we have not enough ammunition 
to make a show of defense." Mrs. Brown replied that 
her father, living about twelve miles south of Lawrence, 
had a keg of powder and she would go after it in the 
morning if she had a horse and buggy. Turning to 
Mrs. Wood she said, ''Will you go with me?" and she 
assented. Early the next morning the two brave women 
prepared for the hazardous journey. They arranged a 
large work basket with a large medical book and some 
knitting work. These they placed in the rear of the 
buggy seat and started. Tliey drove out to Blanton's 
bridge, passing that over a mile on the other side they 
saw two mounted scouts watching them very closely, 
Mrs. Brown got out to adjust some part of the liarness. 

12 



Then the men, dc)iil)tless thinking they were all right, 
turned and rode away. About two miles further on 
they met two men on foot. Mrs. Brown turned to them 
and inquired how far it was to Mr. Burgess. He was 
her father's pro-slavery neighbor from Missouri. After 
giving them the directions they passed on, and soon 
reached Mrs. Brown's father, Mr. Salem Gleason. 
They borrowed of the mother two small pillow slips into 
one of whicli they emptied the small keg of powder, 
which Mrs. Brown tied about her person, under her out- 
side dress. The day was cold and they both put on ex- 
tra dresses before starting. After enjoying a good din- 
ner they started on their return. Finding an empty 
whisky flask they took the precaution to have it filled 
with milk at Mrs. Gleason's and placed it on the big 
work basket. On their way they stopped at Major Ab- 
bott's, where Capt. J. E. Stewart and Howard Dickson 
had buried on Major Abbott's farm some ammunition in 
an old trunk, witli the half of a large keg of powder. 
These were unearthed and with the help of Mrs. Abbott, 
all but the keg of powder and two large packages was 
adjusted about their persons. The caps and cartridges, 
bullet molds and gun wipers were put up their sleeves, 
in their pockets and dress waists. The bars of lead tliey 
stood up in their stockings; the keg of powder and other 
packages they turned over to Howard Dickson who w^as 
going with a yoke of oxen and wagon to Lawrence. 
Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Wood, when ready to start found 
thev were unable to get into the buggy with all their 
munitions of war. But Mrs. Abbott and the boy went 
to their assistance : they drove back across the Waka- 
rusa, when thev suddenly discovered that they were be- 
ing closely watched by two men. Mrs. Brown said to 
Mrs. Wood: 'They are coming." One of the men rode 

13 



ap to the side of the bug'gy and scrutinizing it closely, he 
said, ''Excuse me, ladies, I thought you were men. We 
have orders to let no man pass this road to Lawrence.'^ 
Mrs. Brown reph'ed, '*We have been out to Mrs. Burgis.'^ 
Ihey drove very slowly on a walk, the other man rode 
in back of the buggy, dismounted and stood with one 
foot in the stirrup, seemingly ready to fire on them. 
The other man seeing nothing m the buggy but the 
bottle of milk and the big basket, went back to his com- 
I)anion in the road. After a short consultation they 
rode back to the boy with the ox team, whom they stop- 
ped and searched, but finding nothing, rode away. Here 
was strategy from start to finish, which few men could 
have planned and carried out as successfully. The w^o- 
men walked the horse very slowly, as if indifferent to the 
conduct of the two men until beyond their reach, when 
the old horse was vigorously plied with whip and away 
tliey went at top speed into Lawrence. The anxious 
citizens welcomed them with cheer after cheer. Here 
again they were too heavily loaded to be able to get out 
of the wagon alone — willing hands lifted them out and 
assisted them into Mrs. Wood's house, where they soon 
divested themselves of the implements of war. I relate 
this story to give 3^ou an example of the courage and 
heroism of the women of Kansas in those dark days — 
days when the black cloud portentous of the impending 
storm was hovering nigh ; days when freedom's bright 
star was jusf twinkling in the twilight ; days when it 
seemed that right was on the rack and wrong was on the 
tlirone ; days when free-state men, and women too, stood 
for the riglit as God liad given tliem to see the right, 
in the sul:ilime faith that truth crushed to earth would 
rise again. Excitement ran high, a hasty call was sent 
out to the free-state men in the territory to rally at Law- 

14 



rence. lOO men from Topeka came to Lawrence and 
re-inforcements from other localities rushed into Law- 
rence. General Richardson and Colonel Boone from 
Missouri held conferences with General James H. Lane> 
Chas. Rohinson and other leading men in Lawrence, 
Avith Gov. Shannon and a treaty of peace was signed and 
the threatened conflict averted. The ladies of Lawrence 
used to meet in Mrs. S. N. Wood's little "shack" cabin, 
"daily and nightly in one room, with its loose, open floor, 
through which the wind would creep, to make cartridges ; 
their nimble fingers keeping time with each heart-beat 
for freedom, so enthusiastic were they in aiding the 
defense of the town. Mrs. S. N. Wood, widow of 
Samuel N. Wood, resides in Denver and has very kindly 
aided me with valuable historical matter for this paper. 
1 am indebted to her for much unwritten history of those 
trying days. December 6th, 1855, Thomas W. Bar- 
bour, free - state man was murdered. Barl^our 
with his brother Robert and his brother - in - law, 
Thomas Pierson, were returning home from the defense 
of Lawrence, and when four miles south-west of Law- 
rence, they met twelve horsemen who were going to 
Franklin. Two of the twelve rode out from the others 
and asked Barbour where he had been. He replied, "to 
Lawrence" and rode on ; but the deadly bullet or bullets, 
for there were two shots fired into his back, brought him 
down, and as he fell to the ground he said, '*0 God! I 
am murdered.'' He never spoke again, one ball passing 
through his body. The men who fired the cowardly 
shots at the unarmed Barbour were Major Geo. W. 
Clarke. Lidian Agent, and Col. James N. Burnes (since 
meml)er of Congress from Platte Co., Mo.) Both claim 
the honor of the job. The report of the Congressional 
Committee on Kansas claims, 1861, Page 17, says: "The 

15 



chief guilt must rest on Samuel J. Jones, sherifif. He 
said Major Clarke and Mr. Burnes both claim the credit 
of killing that damned abolitionist and he didn't know 
which ought to have it." Barbour's body was taken to 
Lawrence and lay in state in the Council Chamber of 
the Free State Hotel. Chas. Robinson and Gov. Shan- 
non and his suite, Col. Boone of Westport, Mo., entered 
and viewed the silent dead. The governor, as his eyes 
fell on the rigid limbs and the death pallor of the young 
man, who the day before was so full of hope and 
strength, gave a perceptible shrug of the shoulders. 
Colonel Boone, as he looked on the lifeless form, said: 
"T did not expect such a thing as this.'' 

BURIAL OF BARBOUR. 

"Bear him, comrades, to his grave ; 
Never over one more brave 
Shall the prairie grasses weep 
In the ages yet to come. 
When the millions in our room. 
What we sow in tears, shall reap. 

"Bear him up the icy hill, 

With the Kansas frozen still 

As his noble heart, below. 

And the land he came to till, 

With a freeman's thews and will, 

And his poor hut roofed with snow ! 

"One more look of that dead face. 
Of his murder's ghastly trace! 
One more kiss, O widowed one! 
Lay your left hand on his brow, 
Lift your right hand up and vow 
That his work shall yet be done. 

"Patience, friends! The eye of God 
Every path by murder trod 
Watches, lidless, day and night ; 
And the dead rnan in his shroud, 
And his widow weeping loud, 
And our hearts are in His sight. 
16 



"Every deadly threat that swells 
With the roar of gambling hells; 
Every brutal jest and jeer, 
Every wicked thought and plan 
Of the cruel heart of man, 
Though but whispered. He can hear ! 

"We in suffering, they in crime, 
Wait the first award of time. 
Wait the vengeance that is due; 
Not in vain a heart shall break. 
Not a tear for Freedom's sake 
Fall unheeded — God is true. 

"While the flag with stars bedecked 
Threatens where it should protect, 
And the law shakes hands with Crime, 
What is left us but to wait, 
Match our patience to our fate 
And abide the better time? 

"Patience, friends ! The human heart 
Everywhere shall take our part, 
Everywhere for us shall pray; 
On our side are Nature's laws, 
And God's life is in the cause 
That we suffer for today. 

"Well to suffer is divine ; 

Pass the watchword down the line. 

Pass the countersign, "Endure." 

Not to him who rashly dares, 

But to him who nobly bears, 

Is the victor's garland sure. 

"Frozen earth to frozen breast. 
Lay our slain one down to rest ; 
Lay him down in hope and faith. 
And above the broken sod. 
Once again, to Freedom's God, 
Pledge ourselves for life or death. 

"That the State whose walls we lay. 
In our blood and tears, today. 
Shall be free from bonds of shame 
And our goodly land untrod 
By the feet of Slavery, shod 
With cursing as with flame ! 
17 



"Plant the Buckeye on his grave. 
For the hunter of the slave 
In its shadow cannot rest ; 
And let martyr, mound and tree 
Be our pledge and guaranty 
Of the freedom of the West!" 



■Whittier 



January 17th. 1856, Capt. Reese P. Brown, free- 
state, murdered at Easton, Kans., by a pro-slavery mob. 
Brown bad three cracks in his skull from a hatchet, and 
the ruffiians spit tobacco juice in his wounds because "any- 
thing^ would make a damned abolitionist feel better." 
Easton is a few miles from Leavenworth. The Kick- 
apoo Pioneer, a pro-slavery sheet, on the i8th of Jan- 
uary, 1856, issued and extra from which I quote: *'For- 
bearance has now indeed ceased to be a virtue, therefore 
we call on every pro-slavery man in the land to rally to 
the rescue. Kansas must be immediately rescued from 
these tyrannical dogs. The Kickapoo Rangers are at 
this moment beating to arms. Sound the bugle of war 
over the length and breadth of the land, and" leave not 
an abolitionist in the territory to relate their treacherous 
and contaminating deeds. Strike your piercing rifle- 
balls, and your glittering steel to their black and poison- 
ous hearts." 

Thomas H. Gladstone, a cousin of Wm. E. Glad- 
stone, the premier of England, wrote a book entitled : 
Kansas — Squatter — Life and Border Warfare in the Far 
West. In 1856 he was correspondent of the London 
Times. The general excitement about Kansas induced 
him to make a tour of the territory. He says : 'T had 
just arrived in Kansas City and shall never forget the 
appearance of the lawless mob that poured into the place 
(it was after the Sacking of Lawrence, May 21, 1856), 
inflamed with drink, glutted with indulgence of the 

18 



vilest passions, displaying with loud boasts the plunder 
they had taken from the inhabitants and thirsting for 
the opportunity of repeating the sack of Lawrence in 
some other offending place." '"Having once been 
taught that robbery and outrage, if committed in the 
service of the South, were to be regarded as deeds of 
loyalty and obedience, these ministers of a self-styled 
law and order were slow to unlearn a doctrine so accept- 
able." 

Near Leavenworth on August 6th, 1856, a ruffian 
named Fugit made a bet that he could have a Yankee 
scalp before night. He got a horse, rode out into the 
country a few miles and met a German named Hopps. 
He asked if he was from Lawrence and Hopps replied 
that he was. Fugit immediately drew his revolver and 
Hopps fell dead. Hie dismounted, cut the scalp from 
Hopps, tied it to a pole and returned to town with the 
most exulting display of his achievement. When the wife 
applied for the body, Fugit was one of a party who put 
her on a boat and sent her down the river. Frank M. 
Gable of Leavenworth, says life was dirt cheap in those 
days. It was his father who first came upon the dead 
scalped body of the man Hopps, the free-stater, who was 
killed while on his way from Lawrence to Leavenworth, 
1)y a pro-slavery man named Fugit. 

John Speer says : ''The first night I slept upon Kan- 
sas soil, September 26, 1854, our small party of emi- 
grants from free states were awakened by demands of 
where we were from and threats of expulsion, tarring 
and feathering, hanging and drowning to every abol- 
itionist who dared to enter Kansas. The second night 
after reaching Lawrence we were called upon to defend 
Rev. Th(imas J. Ferril. a methodist minister who had 
just arrived witli his bride (Rev. Ferril was the father 

19 



of Companion William C. Ferril, a member of this Com- 
mandery), John Speer was a pioneer newspaper man of 
Lawrence. He published The Kansas Tribune, which 
was destroyed by Quantrell's gang. They also set fire to 
Mr. Speer's house, and left it o burn, but Mrs. Speer 
broke down the two burning doors, scraped the fire 
into the cellar through a hole burned in the floor, and 
saved the house. The fiends sought the life of Mr. 
Speer, after they had brutally murdered his two sons, 
but failed to discover the place of his concealment. He 
wrote the life of General James H. Lane. Jo. Shelby, 
who conducted a rope- walk in Lexington, Mo., sus- 
pended his business March 30th, 1855, and with forty of 
h.is hands came to Lawrence and all voted for territorial 
officers. John Speer says he took dinner that day with 
Shelby at Col. Sam. N. Wood's house, Mrs. Wood ex- 
pressing some anxiety lest violence on the part of the 
Missourians should be attempted. Shelby, in a very 
gentlemanly manner, said, "Mrs. W'ood, no mob violence 
is at all likely to be attempted, and if attempted will only 
be over my dead body." Jo. Shelby afterwards became 
a noted Confederate General and United States Marshal 
during Cleveland's administration. Mr. Speer says : 
''When Jefferson Davis was at the Kansas City Exposi- 
tion in Sei)tember, i-876, he happened to meet Gen'l Jo. 
Shelby in the company of the ex-president of the Con- 
federacy, and he introduced himself to Shelby with the 
remark, "Gen'l Shelby. I took dinner with you at Sam 
Wood's house in Lawrence, March 30th, 1855, when 
you came up to help us vote.'' He laughed, saying, 'T 
did take dinner at Mrs. Wood's house that day. Well, 
Mr. Speer, we have all made great fools of ourselves 
since that day." Mr. Speer spent the latter years of his 
life with his daughter in Denver, where he died. He 

20 



occasionall}' called upon me here, and we swapped 
stories of the early days in Kansas. He always called 
me General Order, A^o. ii. I suppose because my name 
was signed to that Order. 

Referring to Gen'l Shelby in this connection, 
reminds me of his official report of the part taken by his 
brigade in the battle of Prairie Grove, Ark., December 
/th, 1862. If you will pardon the digression, I will 
give extracts from that unicjue document, at once pictur- 
esque and interesting. He says, ''On the evening of the 
6th after encamping, and learning the near proximity 
of the enemy, I doubled my guards, threw out infantry 
skirmishes in every direction, under the charge of trusty 
officers and lay down with the conscious satisfaction 
that neither Federal, Kansas Jayhawker, nor Pin In- 
dian, could surprise us. And if they came they would 
meet with a bloody and hospitable welcome." * ^ * 
"Upon the eventful morning of the 7th, long before the 
full round moon had died in the lap of the dawn, long 
before the watching stars had grown dim with age, my 
brigade was saddled, formed and their steeds champing 
frosted bits in the cold, keen air of a December morning, 
ready and eager for the march. After advancing rapid- 
ly without intermission for several hours, I struck the 
trail, hot with the passage of many feet, reeking with 
the foot prints of the invader." '•' * '-^ "After riding 
hard for about an hour, my advance came full upon the 
foe. and with the mad, fierce whoop of men who had 
wrongs to right, and blood to avenge, they dashed on 
and away at the pas-de-charge/' "^ * '^ "With 
the second regiment of my brigade, I also threw forward 
Capt. Quantrell's Company, and Elliott's battalion of 
scouts, who joining in the wild halloa, pressed forward 
eageily and fiercely, driving the frightened Federals 

21 



before them like chaff before the winds of heaven. Still 
the route continues along the bed of a creek. 

Tramp, tramp, along the land they ride, 

Splash, splash, along the lea. 
The scourge is red, the spur drops blood. 

The plashing pebbles flee. 

The battle now began with terrific fury. All along 
the lines the near fire of the infantry rose crash upon 
crash, the dense smoke filling the air and the wild pow- 
der gloom getting darker and darker. This terrible fire 
soon rippled out in one vast, mighty wave of bullets, that 
circled and roared like a storm at sea, varied incessantly 
by the thunder of impatient cannon and the yell of ex- 
ultant and furious combatants. =f= * * ;^jy gj^jj-. 
mishers were steadily driven in, and down to meet them 
like an avalanche our own infantry swept. They met, 
the shock was terrible, but broken and rent, our boys 
drove them back and followed the charge. Again and 
again they returned to the fight, and again and again 
were they repulsed with great slaughter. Now the en- 
emy, gathering all his remaining strength, comes back 
again with unbroken front and steady step. This con- 
flict was intensely hot. Now the combat thickens all 
along the lines, and death with its black banner on the 
l)reese, nerves each heart and cheers them on to the 
rough red fray. Bledsoe was there amid his guns, all 
dirt begrimmed and ])owder blackened, plying his lurid 
torch where balls would send or powder search. * * 
* Night had closed the march of death, and the idle 
breese now gave no murmur back to tell of what had 
been passing but a few brief moments before, when — 

Our bugles sang truce and the night cloud had lowered, 
And the sentinel .stars kept their watch in the sky; 

When thousands had sunk to the earth overpowered, 
The weary to sleep, the wounded to die." 
22 



Permit me to say in passing that it was my Regi- 
ment, the nth Kansas, Col. Thomas Ewing, Jr., com- 
manding, that formed the center of the Union Hne of 
battle in the final charge of that day, which Gen'l Shelby 
liere describes, supporting Rabb's battery on the left and 
Terry's battery of lo-lb. Parrot guns on the right, and 
I can say from experience that Shelby's graphic descrip- 
tion of the final charge, which was just at dark, is not 
overdrawn ! Just as the battle was hottest, I observed 
a colored boy standing in the rear of my company. I 
said to him, ''Where did you come from ? " Without 
making any direct reply to my question, he jumped up 
and down, slapping his sides with his hands, shouting, 
''Bress the Lord, Ise free, Ise free." 

Hitherto there had been no organized effort by the 
free-state men to resist the aggressive action of the bor- 
der rufiians from Missouri. The scene again shifts — 
Free- State men organize. Old John Brown joins his sons 
on the Pottawattomie, October, 1855, and he and his four 
sons, son-in-law and neighbors prepare to ''fight fire 
with fire." Forbearance had ceased to be a virtue. The 
time had passed when smitten on one cheeck to turn the 
other cheeck. John Brown lived right in the hot bed of 
the pro-slavery nest. May 23rd, 1856, he with his com- 
pany of free-state men, while on their way to the defence 
of Lawrence, were overtaken by a messenger telling of 
outrages perpetrated on their families the night before 
by pro-slavery men on the creek. Brown with his com- 
pany returned by a hasty march to their homes with ven- 
geance in his heart. He took the men who had com- 
mitted the outrages on his family and others on the 
creek and sent them out of the territory by way of eter- 
nity. Six of them on the plea of "an eye for an eye and 
a tooth for a tooth." This act put a stop for a time to 

23 



attempts to drive out the free-state settlers. John 
Brown's policy enabled the free-state settlers to stay and 
by staying saved Kansas to freedom. 

Lawrence, in the eyes of the pro-slavery party, was 
Kansas — to destroy Lawrence was to destroy the free- 
state party in Kansas. Lawrence was destroyed or be- 
sieged three times before the Quantrell massacre, viz : 
December, 1855, May, 1856, September, 1856. Osawa- 
tomie was raided and robbed by 150 Missourians June 
6th, and destroyed by 500 Missourians, August 31, 1856. 

The Marais des Cygnes massacre occurred May 18, 
1858. This tragedy has been rendered immortal by the 
Quaker poet in his beautiful poem "Le Marais des 
Cygne." I will quote from a paper written for the Kan- 
sas State Historical Society by Ed. R. Smith, Mound 
City. "Capt. Hamilton rallied about 500 men at the old 
town of Papinsville, Mo., and marched them up to the 
border of Kansas. As night drew on a halt was made 
for rest and refreshments and to make final arrange- 
ments for descent upon the unsuspecting settlers in the 
beautiful valley surrounding the historic Trading Post. 
The men had ridden many miles without food and blan- 
kets and were tired and hungry, and besides they w^re 
on the l)order of hated Kansas and were sure Capt. 
Montgomery with his Jayhawkers could not be far away. 
The sharp, rapid barking of a couple of coyotes in the 
distance sent a thrill of alarm through the ranks; some 
were sure that the howl of the wolves was signal of the 
Jayhawkers. A panic was imminent. The more reso- 
lute swore at the timid. Capt. Hamilton in a rage 
mounted his horse, rode out of the mob, calling on the 
"bloody reds" and any others to follow him. At this, 
about thirty of the l)loodthirsty devils rode out and away 
over the border after their cold-blooded commander. 

24 



The remainder of the border ruffians, like the wolves of 
the border they were, before day break on that eventful 
May morning disappeared and were heard of no more 
Hamilton with his cut throats rode into Trading Post 
about nine o'clock in the morning of that bright May 
day. He captured several prisoners there, all of whom 
he released, except John F. Campbell, a clerk in the store 
at the Post. With Campbell he proceeded on the road to 
West Point, Mo. Scarcely a mile out they came up with 
Rev. L. B. Reed, a settler, and well known to Hamilton. 
Reed at the time was engaged in conversation with Wm. 
A. Still well, a free-state settler from near Mound City, 
then with his wagon and team on his way to Kansas 
City for a load of goods. With these two was a young 
and intelligent Irishman, Patrick Ross, whose home was 
on the Osage river in Bourbon Co. Capturing the three 
of them, Hamilton, with his four prisoners, moved east- 
ward to the vicinity of his former claim. His next cap- 
ture was Amos C. Hall, who was found sick in bed in 
his cabin. He was ordered up and out, scarcely able to 
stand, yet, under the excitement of threats of instant 
deatli he was able to join the other prisoners. Thus 
five prisoners were driven on foot to the home 
of W'illiam Colpetzer, whose home joined that 
of Hamilton. Colpetzer was added to the number 
of prisoners, as he refused to run, as his wife begged 
him to when he first saw armed men coming. Turning 
northward a mile, Michael Robinson was captured and 
one Charles Snyder, a former acquaintance of Robinson 
in Illinois, then visiting at Robinson's ; thence another 
mile northwest where an old man, William Hairgrove, 
and his son Asa were captured while at work in their 
cornfield. Austin W. Hall was next taken as he was 
returning with the ''brown oxen" from Snider's black- 

25 



smith shop. Not one of these men had arms with them, 
with few exceptions all were well known to Hamilton 
and many of his gang. They had never taken part in 
the differences between free-state and pro-slavery men. 
These unoffending men, guilty of no offense, charged 
with no crime but that of being free-state men, were hur- 
ried on — 

"From the hearths of their cabins, 

The fields of their corn, 
Unwarned and imweaponed. 

The victims were torn. 
By the whirlwind of murder 

Swooped up and swept on 
To the low, reedy fen-lands, 

The Marsh of the Swan. 

Into a deep gorge of the meandering mounds, these 
eleven victims were hastily driven, and there ordered to 
fall in line, facing east, which they did. 

"With a vain plea for mercy 

No stout knee was crooked ; 
In the mouths of the rifles 

Right manly they looked." 

Hamilton, without further comment, ordered his 
men to form in front of their victims on the side of the 
ravine and a little above them. Old man Hairgrove, 
seeing the preparations for the murder, without a tremor 
in his voice said : "Men, if you are going to shoot us 
take good aim." Hamilton at this gave the order to 
"make ready, aim, fire !" Fort Scott Brockett, at this, 
wheeled his horse out of the line and with an oath 
declared he "would shoot them in a fight, but, by God! 
I'll have nothing to do with such an act as this." It 
was with difficulty that Hamilton brought his gang 
again into line, then again gave the order to fire, firing 
the first shot himself. The entire eleven men in that 
line went down before the deadly fire of their murderers. 

26 



As soon as the smoke from the firing arose it was ob- 
served that some of their victims were not dead. Ham- 
iUon dismounted a portion of his gang with orders to 
finish the job. Ending his order with ''By God, dead 
men tell no tales." Colpetzer was not dead. He piteons- 
ly begged to be spared to his wife and two children— a 
pistol ball went crashing through the poor man's brain. 
Patrick Ross was again shot, in order ''to be sure the 
damned Irishman was dead." Others feigned death and 
lay motionless in the blood flowing from dieir wounds. 
Austin W. Hall was not touched in the first fire, but fell 
with the rest and successfully feigned death. Colpetzer, 
Ross, Stillwell and Robinson were dead. The others, 
except A. W. Hall, were each desperately wounded. The 
pockets of the victims were rifled of all valuables. This 
being done, Hamilton mounted his command and rode 
away, and to this day has not been seen or heard of by 
any one familiar w^th this bloody crime. He may have 
gone to that bourne from which no traveler returns. 

This was but the beginning of a fearfully bloody 
ending., The dead were gathered up and all conveyed 
to a little cabin just north of the Post and laid on the 
puncheon floor. There beside their dead, durinp- one 
long, awful night, the widows and fatherless babes sat 
in sleepless vigil. 

"In the homes of their rearing 

Yet warm with their Hves, 
Ye wait the dead only, 

Poor children and wives ! 
Put out the red-forge fire, 

The smith shall not come ; 
Unyoke the brown oxen. 

The ploughman lies dumb." 

"Wind slow from the Swan's Marsh, 

O' dreary death train; 
With pressed lips as bloodless 
27 



As lips of the slain. ' 

Kiss down the young eyelids, 

Smooth down the gray hairs ; 
Let tears quench the curses 

That burn through your prayers." 

Such were the words of sympathy that came to the 
stricken ones, fresh from the great heart of the Quaker 
poet. As true as the arrow of its mark was his soul, as 
it rose in prophecy in his beautiful poem, "Le Marais 
des Cygnes : " 

"Not in vain on the dial 

The shade moves along, 
To point the great contrasts 

Of right and of wrong. 

Free homes and free altars, 

Free prairie and flood. 
The reeds of the Swan's Marsh 

Whose bloom is of blood. 

On the lintels of Kansas 

That blood shall not dry; . 

Henceforth the Bad Angel 

Shall harmless go by. 

Henceforth to the sunset, 

Unchecked on her way. 
Shall Liberty follow 

The march of the day." 

At Trading Post there stands a beautiful marble 
monument, erected to the memory of our martyred dead, 
to the erection of which the state of Kansas contributed 
$i.ooo. Beneath its shadow rest the ashes of Colpet- 
zer, Campbell, Ross and Robinson. Stillwell was taken 
to Mound City and buried there.. 

Another atrocious murder was the case of Mr. Den- 
ton, an old man, living on the Osage river. He was 
called to his door in the night time and, without warning, 
his body riddled with bullets. This band of cut throats 
came from Fort Scott and their object was to intimidate 

28 



the free-state settlers along the Osage river. These and 
numerous other outrages on the peaceful settlers of the 
territory roused the law-abiding men to action. General 
James H. Lane organized an army of about 400 men 
with headquarters at Mound City. This display of 
force seemed to quiet the excitement for a time, but as 
soon as Lane disbanded his force, then troubles broke 
out afresh. Then Col. James Montgomery organized a 
company of fearless settlers of Linn Co. and took the 
field in defense of the lives and homes of the free-state 
citizens. Adopting the tactics of the pro-slavery men 
and border ruffians from Missouri, he politely informed 
the leaders of the pro-slavery movement in that region 
to go and not to stand on the order of their going, but to 
go at once — and they went, some of them by way of 
eternity. 

Col. John Ritchie of Topeka was one of the prom- 
iment men indicted for treason against the bogus terri- 
torial laws. He had the reputation of being a good 
shot. For that reason or some other none of the deputy 
U. S. Marshals were anxious to risk their lives in an 
attempt to arrest him. Meanwhile a reward of five hun- 
dred dollars was offered for Ritchie's body, dead or 
alive. A man ])y the name of Arms of Quindarro was 
appointed U. S. deputy marshal, it was said, expressly 
to bring Ritchie's body to Quindarro. Arms went to 
Topeka determined to arrest Ritchie at all hazards. Ar- 
riving there he secured a horse and buggy and, accom- 
panied by a pro-slavery lawyer of that city, drove to Col. 
Ritchie's house. Ritchie and Harvey D. Rice were en- 
gaged in conversation at his gate when the marshal and 
his attorney drove up. Arms said, "Ritchie, I want you 
to go with me to Quindarro." Ritchie replied, 'T will do 
nothing of the kind and you just go away and leave me." 

29 



Arms began to get out of the wagon and Ritchie went 
into his house, soon followed by the marshal. Ritchie 
had just buckled on his revolver belt as the marshal 
opened the door and entered the room where Ritchie 
was standing. Arms said, "John, you better go with 
me." Ritchie said, "I wont do it and you just leave me 
alone." whereupon Arms, raising his revolver, said, "John, 
life is sweet, life is dear, and the one who gets it first is 
the best fellow." Ritchie as quick as a flash drew his 
revolver and fired and Arms fell dead to the floor. Rit- 
chie went into the next room where his wife and children 
were, saying "I have killed Arms in there," and left the 
house and w^ent and hid himself. The next day he came 
to my home and requested to stay a few days. The U. 
S. dragoons could be seen riding over the prairies hunt- 
ing him. A captain and his squad, the night after the 
killing, went to Ritchie's house and rapped on the door. 
Mrs Ritchie replied, "What do you want?" The captain 
said, "I want Mr. Ritchie." She said, "He is not here." 
He said, "Open the door or I ^^ ill break it down." She 
replied, "You open that door at your peril, I have in my 
hands a double barrelled shot gun loaded with buckshot, 
and if you attempt to open that door you are a dead 
man." The captain evidently thought that "discretion 
was the better part of valor," retired from the scene. I 
called on Mrs. Ritchie the next day and informed her 
where her husband was, and she related to me her exper- 
ience with the U. S. officer. Ritchie stayed at my 
house, much to the anxiety of my young wife who was 
unaccustomed to such times, until the excitement had 
subsided and we started him out on the Underground 
railroad, the one John Brown took when he and his 
party left the territory for the last time, to his 
old home in Indiana. Soon after Kansas was admitted 

30 



and the new state officers inaugurated, Ritchie return- 
ed to Topeka and was tried before Chief Justice Thomas 
Ewing, Jr. Ex-Governor Shannon assisting the pros- 
ecuting attorney and Gen'l James H. Lane, defending 
Ritchie. I attended the trial. It was a battle of the 
giants. Ritchie was acquitted. 

During the years in 1858, '9 and '60, the free-state 
settlers gained - rapidly in numbers and consequent 
strength. They said to the border ruffian from Mis- 
souri, 'Tf you enter Kansas again to vote or to drive out 
free-state settlers, you do it at your peril." The free- 
state party began the w^ork of forming state constitu- 
tions preparatory to admission into the Union as a free 
state. The pro-slavery party saw plainly that their cause 
in Kansas was lost and then — and then Sumter. 

It has been my object thus far to show the nature of 
the spirit that prevailed on the l:)order in those days and 
what that spirit prompted men to do. It is not strange 
that the seeds thus sown to the wind by Atchison, 
Stringfellow and others of their kind should have pro- 
duced the wdiirlwind. Neither is it strange that their 
teaching should have produced such characters as Quan- 
trell, the James boys, Tim Reeves, Dick Yeager, Bill 
Anderson, George Todd and numerous others of their 
like — ^' 'Whatsoever a man soweth that shall he also 
rea]).'' That same fiendish spirit that had been devel- 
oped on the border during all the years of the struggle 
thus far. continued in all its fury on to 1861 and on, 
still on until right prevailed and freedom triumphed. 
That inhuman spirit reached its climax in Quantrell's 
raid upon Lawrence. That awful tragedy stands out 
unique in history. I will now quote a few paragraphs 
from a vivid description of that massacre, written a few 
days after it occurred by Rev. R. Cordly, D. D., who 

31 



was in Lawrence at the time whose house was burned, 
and whom I knew personally for fifty years, as follows : 
''Early in the morning of August 21, 1863, Quantrell, 
with about 300 desperadoes from Missouri, made his 
murderous attack upon Lawrence, killing and wounding 
190 defenseless citizens and destroyed two and a half 
millions of property. The citizens of the ill-fated city 
never felt more secure and never were less prepared For 
defense than the night before the raid. Quantrell had 
his spies in the city who kept him constantly informed 
of the situation there before he left Missouri. It is 
doubtful whether the world has witnessed such a scene 
of horror, certainly not outside the annals of savage 
warfare. History gives no parallel where an equal 
number of desperate men, so heavily armed were let 
loose on an unsuspecting community. The carnage 
was much worse from the fact that citizens could not 
believe that men could be such fiends. No one expected 
such indiscriminate slaughter when it was known that 
the town was in their possession, everybody expected 
tliey would rob and burn the town, kill all soldiers they 
could find and a few marked characters. But few ex- 
pected a wholesale murder. Many who could have es- 
caped, therefore, remained and were slain. For this 
reason the colored people fared better than the whites. 
They knew the men which slavery had made, and they 
ran to the brush at the first alarm." A gentleman who 
was concealed where he could see the whole, said the 
scene presented was the most perfect realization of the 
slang phrase — ''Hell let loose." that ever could be imag- 
ined. Most of the men had the look of wild beasts, they 
were dressed roughly and swore terribly. They were 
mostly armed with a carbine and with from two to six 
revolvers strapped around them. Dr. Cordly says : 

32 



''We can only give a few of the incidents of the mas- 
sacre-specimens of the whole. The scenes of horror we 
describe must be multiplied till the amount reaches one 
hundred and eighty, the number killed or wounded." After 
describing several individual instances of cruelty. Dr. 
Cordly says : "These are a specimen of cruelty to which 
savages have never attained. But even the fiendishness 
of these deeds was surpassed. Mr. D. W. Palmer, one 
of the early settlers of Kansas, kept a gun shop just 
south of the business part of the town on the main 
street. His position prevented escape, but he and his 
shop were spared till near the last. As a large gang of 
drunken rebels were going out, they came upon the shop. 
Mr. Palmer and another man were standing by the door. 
The fiends fired upon them, wounding both, and then set 
fire to the shop. The shop being old and of wood with- 
out plastering burned rapidly. While it was burning, the 
rebels took up the wounded men, bound their hands 
together and threw them into the burning shop. A wo- 
man, who was standing on the opposite sidewalk, says 
she saw the poor men get up among the flames and 
endeavor to come out, but were pushed back by the guns 
of the torturers. The fire having consumed the l^an- 
dages from their hands, she saw Mr. Palmer throw up 
his hands and cry, 'O God, save us! ' and then fall life- 
less among the embers. The fiends all this time stood 
around the burning building shouting and chee^'ing, and 
when the poor men fell dead, they gave a shout of tri- 
umph and passed on. Two reliable women in full sight 
witnessed the scene. As the scene at their entrance into 
the city was one of the wildest, the scene after their 
departure was one of the saddest that ever met mortal 
gaze. Massachusetts street was one bed of embers. 
On this one street seventy-five buildings, containing at 

33, 



least twice that number of places of business and offices, 
were destroyed. The dead lay all along the sidewalk, 
many of them so burned that they could not be recog- 
nized and could scarcely be taken up. Here and there 
among the embers could be seen the bones of those who 
had perished in the buildings and been consumed. On 
two sides of another block lay seventeen dead bodies. 
Early in the morning after the massacre our attention 
was attracted by loud wailings. We went in the direc- 
tion of the sound and among the ashes of a large build- 
ing sat a woman holding in her hands the blackened 
skull of her husband who was shot and burned in that 
place. Her cries could be heard over the whole deso- 
lated town and added much to the feeling of sadness 
and horror which filled every heart." I will read no 
more of this sickening description. 

About lo a. m. Ouantrell and his gang having sat- 
iated their thirst for blood and their greed for plunder, 
started on their return to their secret haunts in Mis- 
souri. On their way they took two of my valuable 
horses from the tenant on my farm. Ouantrell was 
overtaken by Gen'l Ewing's troops and a running fight 
kept up until darkness closed the scene. 

"Back, steed of the prairies!" 

"Sweet song bird, fly back !" 
"Wheel hither, bold vulture !" 

"Gray wolf, call thy pack !" 
"The foul human vultures 

Have feasted and fled." 

It is not my purpose on this occasion to give a des- 
cription of the pursuit of Ouantrell's gang by Gen'l 
Ewing's troops, that would require more space than is 
alloted in this paper. The military district of the bor- 
der, headquarters, Kansas City, Mo., eml)raced the east- 
ern portion of Kansas, south of the Kaw river, and the 

34 



western portion of Missouri south from Kansas City to 
the southern border of the state. Jackson, Cass, Bates 
and Vernon counties, all bordering on Kansas, were 
among the richest agricultural counties of Missouri. 
The topography of this region readily lends itself to 
safe retreat in which the guerrillas took refuge. The 
Sni Hills, the jungles of the Missouri river bottoms 
were known in every part by them. Gen'l Ewing, after 
returning from the pursuit of Quantrell, held a confer- 
ence with his officers on the question how to rid the 
Missouri border of these miserable devils. They had 
no commissary, no quartermaster, no wagon trains ; they 
subsisted off the country, compelling the inhabitants to 
feed them. They had spies in every neighborhood. 
As long as this condition of things existed it was im- 
possible to expel them from the border. The only 
course open to the general commanding seemed to be to 
depopulate that portion of the district, thus depriving 
them of their only source of subsistence. The result of 
the conference was General Order No. ii, which is as 
follows : 

General Orders. 
No. II. 

Headquarters District of the Border. 

Kansas City, Mo., August 25, 1863. 

I. All persons living in Jackson, Cass and Bates Counties, Mo., 
and in that part of Vernon included in this district, except those liv- 
ing within one mile of the limits of Independence, Hickman's Mills, 
Pleasant Hill and Harrisonville, except in that part of Kaw township, 
Jackson County, north of Brush Creek and west of the Big Blue, 
are hereby ordered to move from their present places of residence 
within fifteen days from the date hereof. Those who within that 
time establish their loyalty to the satisfaction of the commanding 
officer of the military station nearest their present place of residence, 
will receive from him certificates stating the fact of their loyalty, 
and the names of the witnesses by whom it can be shown. All who 

35 



receive such certificates will be permitted to remove to any military 
station in this district or to any part of the State of Kansas, except 
the counties on the Eastern border of the state. All others shall 
remove out of this district. Officers commanding companies and de- 
tachments, serving in the counties named, will see that this para- 
graph is promptly obeyed. 

II. All hay and grain in the field or under shelter in the dis- 
tricts from which the inhabitants are required to move, within 
reach of military stations, after the 9th day of September next, 
will be taken to sub-stations and turned over to the proper officers 
there and report of the amount so turned over made to district 
headquarters, specifying the names of all loyal owners and the 
amount of such produce taken from them. All grain and hay 
found in such districts after the 9th day of September next, not 
convenient to such stations, will be destroyed. 

III. The provisions of General Order No. 10 from these head- 
quarters will be at once vigorously executed by officers command- 
ing in the parts of the district and at the stations not subject to 
the operation of paragraph I of this order, and especially in the 
towns of Independence, Westport and Kansas City. 

IV. Paragraph 3, General Orders No. 10, is revoked as to 
all who have borne arms against the government in this district 
since the 20th of August. 

By order of Brig. G^n'l Thomas Ewixg, Jr. 

H. Hann.^hs, 
Actg. Asst. Adj. General. 

The al)ove order was justified 1n' General Order 
No. TOO, Adjutant-Generars Ofifice, W^ashington, D. C. 
Perhaps a 1)rief sketch of how this order came to be is- 
sued may be of interest: In tlie begining of the war few, 
if any, of tlie officers were versed in the law and usage 
of war. In fact there was little literature on that sub- 
ject availal)le to the volunteer officer. The result was, 
during the early part of the war, many diverse and con- 
flicting decisions and rulings were issued by the officers 
in command in different departments of the army. This 
condition led Mr. Stanton, then secretary of war, to 
request Francis Lciber. professor of histor}' and polit- 

36 



ical economy in Columbia College, to prepare a code of 
instructions for the o;overnment of the army. Professor 
Leiber prepared at great length a set of rules which was 
submitted to a board of officers of the regular army, of 
which Major Gen'l E. A. Hitchcock was president, and 
approved by the President The rules thus approved 
were issued in General Order No. lOO, Adjutant-Gen- 
eral's Oflfice, Washington, D. C, April 24, 1863. That 
order has been of force ever since. In justification of 
Order No. 11, I will quote General Order 100, as fol- 
lows: ''The commander will throw the burden of the 
war, as much as lies within his power, on the disloyal citi- 
zens of the revolted district, subjecting them to a stricter 
police than the non-combatant enemies have to sufYer in 
regular war; and if he deems it appropriate, or if his 
government demands of him that every citizen, shall by 
an oath of allegiance or by some other manifest act. 
declare his fidelity to the legitimate government, he may 
expel, transfer, imprison or fine the revolted citizens who 
refuse to pledge themselves anew as citizens obedient to 
the law and loyal to the government." General Order 
No. 1 1 was enforced to the letter and in a few days 
Quantrell and his gang sought other fields for their 
operations. Under Order No. 1 1 every disloyal person 
within the limits of the territory named therein was 
driven out and every loyal person removed into the mil- 
itary stations named in the order. It was a sad sight 
to see these loyal men with their families pack up their 
household effects, such as could be taken in wagons, 
leaving their homes and going into camp at the military 
stations. It was also sad to see the disloyal citizens go- 
ing out, many of them not knowing where to go. I 
never knew where many of them went ; I know some of 
them never returned to their former homes. I never 

37 



want to see another scene like that — *'war is cruelty, 
you cannot refine it." It was expected, after the dis- 
trict had been depopulated, that what was left would be 
destroyed or ruined, hay and grain burned. But I am 
happy to say such was not the fact. Rigid military 
surveillance over that region preserved everything. 
November 20, 1863, about three months after General 
Order No. 1 1 was issued. General Order No. 20 was 
issued under which the settlement of the depopulated 
district was authorized, and in a short time all the loyal 
citizens were permitted to return to their homes. The 
men were organized into small companies, armed and 
drilled, clothinor issued to them and were recognized as 
state militia. The most of these men were satisfied 
after it was all over that Order No. 1 1 was the best 
thing for them, under the conditions. Driven off the 
Missouri border, Quantrell with al^out thirty of his gang 
went to Harrodsburg, Ky., to continue their guerrilla 
warfare, and where he and some of his men soon came 
to grief. A correspondent of the Cincinnati Enquirer 
says he accompanied Frank James in 1903 to the graves 
of his comrades who were buried in the Oakland church 
vard near Louisville, Ky. This correspondent gives the 
following account of Quantrell's death, in January, 1864: 
''Quantrell's men killed a farmer in Lincoln county 
because he protested against exchanging one of his 
horses for a jaded one of theirs. Capt. Bridgewater, 
who was stationed at Louisville, hearing of the killing 
of the farmer, went after the guerrillas. He found part 
of them at the home of the widow Van Arsdale in sight 
of Oakland church, where they had stopped for dinner. 
While under the influence of liquor carelessly they had 
left their guns in the front yard when they entered the 
house, and were surprised in this condition by Capt. 

38 



Bridgewater's men, James and George Noland, of Jack- 
son Co., Mo., were killed. The remainder of the eano- 
scattered. Quantrell and his party were at the honse 
of Charles Adams, nearby. Hearing the firing he 
detailed Frank and Jesse James and Lieutenant Rennick 
to learn the canse. They rode to the top of a hill over 
half a mile away to reconnoiter. Capt. Bridgewater 
was standing on the back porch of the Adams house 
observing the three men on horseback, rested his gun on 
the lattice work and remarked. "Watch the man on the 
w^iite horse," and fired. Rennick fell dead to the 
ground. The next day Quantrell and his men were 
overtaken by a heavy shower and they sought shelter in 
the W^akefield barn. Capt. Terrill and his home guards, 
who were out on a scouting expedition, trailed the raid- 
ers to the barn and fired on them, killing two. Quan- 
trell escaped pursued by Terrill's men across a wood- 
land pasture until a shot near the spine felled the out- 
law to the ground. As he lay there with uplifted hands, 
he begged for his life. Capt. Terrill shot at his head, 
missing it, but cutting a finger and thumb ofl' his left 
hand. Quantrell offered Capt. Terrill his gold watcli 
and one thousand dollars in gold, $500 down and $500 
later on, if he would spare his life and parole him. Capt. 
Terrill wrote the parole, took the watch and $500 gold, 
all that Quantrell had with him, left him on the ground 
and rode away not knowing who he was. Quantrell 
was soon discovered and carried to the home of James 
Wakefield where his wounds were dressed by Dr. Isaac 
McClosky. The wound paralyzed the guerrilla from 
waist to his feet. Frank James says he and his brother 
Jesse rode twenty miles to see Quantrell and offered to 
stay with him till death, but Quantrell replied that they 
could do him no good and advised them to save them- 

39 



selves. They bade him good bye and left him. Quan- 
trell was taken to a Catholic hospital in Louisville, where 
he died. Frank James says he did not see Ouantrell 
again after he left him at Wakefield's until he attended 
his funeral and saw his coffin lowered into the ground. 
Lieut. Rennick and the Noland brothers were l)uried in 
the church yard at the Oakland church. This corres- 
pondent says he went with Frank James to the spot 
where Lieut. Rennick was killed, and standing there, 
Frank told this story. Postmaster W. L. Davis, of Cin- 
cinnati, says he knew Frank James and Quantrell very 
well in the old days. Mr. Davis resided in Spencer Co., 
Ky., with his father Judge Davis. Mr. Davis also tells 
the same facts reported above in regard to the circum- 
stances of Quantrell's death and burial. During the 
first night after Quantrell w^as wounded, Judge Davis 
was a watcher at his bedside and Quantrell gave him a 
locket and a lock of his hair as a keepsake. Years after 
Quantrell's death, Mr. Scott, of Canal Dover, Ohio, a 
friend of Mrs. Quantrell, went with her to Kentucky to 
get proofs of his death. They called upon the superin- 
tendent of the cemetery where he was buried and re- 
quested that they might open his grave. He kindly fur- 
nished men and caused the grave to be opened, and all 
that was left of the outlaw w^as his bones and light hair. 
Mrs. Quantrell recognized the light hair and observed 
the absence of the bones of one finger and thumb which 
had been shot off. She took a lock of his hair and some 
bones and returned to her home. Mr. Scott then wrote 
to the Secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society, 
telling him that, he would send to the society the shin 
bone and lock of hair taken from Quantrell's grave if 
he desired, ])ut they must not l)e exhi1)ited to the public 
until he w^as notified of Mrs. Quantrell's death. The 

40 



old lady died a few years ago and now the ''relics" are 
on exhibition in the archives of the Kansas State His- 
torical Society at Topeka. 

It is a singular fact worth recording, that nearly 
all of OnantreH's gang died a violent death. In this 
story of Quantrell's inhuman deeds, I will give only one 
more scene as vividly described by John N. Edwards, a 
rebel soldier, in his book entitled, ''Noted Guerrillas, or 
The War on the Border." Ouantrell had captured 
some Kansas soldiers in 1861, and as he always flaunted 
the black flag, he proceeded to execute the prisoners, 
and this is the painting by Edwards : ''The seven prison- 
ers rode into Missouri from Shawnee town puzzled. 
When the heavy timber along the Big Blue was reached 
and a halt was had, they were praying. Quantrell sat 
upon his horse looking at the Kansans, his voice was un- 
moved, his countenance indifferent as he ordered : Bring 
the ropes, four on one tree, three on another! All of a 
sudden Death stands in the midst of them and was 
recognized. One poor fellow gave a cry as piercing as 
the neigh of a frightened horse. Two trembled and 
trembling is the first step towards kneeling. They had 
not talked any save among themselves up to this time, 
Init when they saw Blunt busy with some ropes, one 
spoke up to Ouantrell: 'Captain, just a word, the pistol 
before the rope — a soldier's before a dog's death. As 
for me I am ready.' Of all the seven that was the 
youngest ; how brave he was ! The prisoners were ar- 
ranged in line, the guerrillas opposite them. They had 
confessed to belonging to Jennison, but denied the kill- 
ing and burning. Quantrell hesitated a moment. His 
blue eye searched each face from left to right and back 
again, and then he ordered : 'Take six men. Blunt, and do 
the work; shoot the young man and hang the balance.' 

41 



Hurry away. The oldest man there, some white hairs 
were in his beard, prayed audibly ; some embraced. 
Silence and twilight, as twin ghosts, crept up the river 
bank together. Blunt made haste and before Quantrell 
had ridden far he heard a pistol shot. He did not even 
look up ; it affected him no more than the tapping of a 
woodpecker. At daylight the next morning a wood 
chopper, going early to work, saw six stark figures 
swinging in the early breese. At the foot of another 
tree was a dead man and in his forehead a bullet hole." 
This barbarous treatment of their comrades roused the 
spirit of retaliation in the breasts of the Kansas soldier«i 
across the border. They called seven Confederate pri- 
soners before a drumhead court martial and sentenced 
them to be shot to death in retaliation. Their grave.« 
were dug and they were compelled to kneel down by the 
edge of the grave, blindfolded, and were shot to death by 
a detailed file of soldiers. This was war on the border 
in 1861. 

April 4, 1864, Gen'l Ewing assumed command ol 
the St. Louis District, and I was assigned to duty on his 
staff as acting assistant adjutant-general in charge ol 
the office. In the fall of 1864 Gen'l Sterling Price, with 
about 10,000 men, made a raid into Missouri. He came up 
by way of Pilot Knob, which was in Ewing's militars 
district. At Pilot Knob was Fort Davidson, a hex 
agonal work mounting four 32-pounder siege guns and 
three 24-pounder liowitzers en barbette, supplied wqth 
an abundance of small arms and ordnance stores. Seji 
tember 24th our scouts sent in the report to headquar 
ters that Price with his whole army had crossed the Ime 
into Missouri, headed towards Pilot Knob. Ewing, w^ith 
all the available troops in his command, which was 562 
old trooi)s and one company of raw recruits, reached 

42 



Pilot Knob on the 26th of September, 1864, and imme- 
diately planned to give Price a stubborn fight. He 
knew that with the small force he had, at the best he 
could only detain Price for a few days at Pilot Knob, 
and until Gen'l Rosecrans could get re-inforcements 
enough to keep Price out of St. Louis. On the 26th 
Price's entire army of 10,000 men and 26 pieces of artil- 
lery was camped in Arcadia Valley. On the evening 
of the 26th, Ewing ordered Major Wilson, 3d Missouri 
Cavalry, with a small detachment to take position in the 
gap formed between the two mountains, Shepperd's 
mountain and Pilot Knob, over beyond which lay 
Price's camp. At daylight of the 27th the enemy at- 
tacked Wilson and drove him back through the gap. 
Ewing ordered Wilson to form his men on the side of 
Pilot Knob mountain, and a detachment of the 14th 
Iowa to take position on the opposite side of the gap 
along the sides of Shepherd's mountain, thus command- 
ing the gap from both sides, at tlie same time opening a 
clear range of the gap from the fort, about 1,000 yards 
distant. Here an obstinate struggle followed in which 
the enemy lost heavily in an unsuc(!essful effort to pass 
the defile. The four 32-pounders and the three 24- 
pounders were hurling their deathdealing missiles in 
fearful havoc through the gap. After two hours the 
enemy in strong force renewed the attack and drove our 
troops from the hillsides, and again our troops re-formed 
and drove the enemy back through the gap. Ewing then 
withdrew the 14th Iowa within the fort and ordered 
Major Wilson with his detachment to fall back in front 
of the gate to the fort. After about an hour, it then 
being late in the afternoon, Gen'l Marmaduke's divi- 
sion moved rapidly down Shepherd's mountain to the 
assault: his line greatly broken by the rugged and steep 

43 



descent and by the direct fire from the fort ; simulta- 
neously with Marmaduke's movement, Gen'l Fagan 
moved over Pilot Knob in stronger force and less dis- 
turbance by our fire, rushed down on Major Wilson's 
line, capturing- him and a number of his men. Gen'l 
Cabell led the final assault and swept upon the plain in 
handsome style, yelling and on the double quick. 
Ewing opened on them at 600 yards from the fort with 
musketry and canister from seven pieces of artillery. 
They rushed on most gallantly, the grape and canister 
swept them down at close range, like grain before the 
reaper. They would close up, re-form and dash ahead 
again until the advance reached the ditch, when the at- 
lacking forces fled in dismay; what was thus left of 
them able to run, for it appeared that almost half their 
comrades lay wounded or dead on the plain. From a 
soldier's standpoint, that charge was a magnificent 
sight. But, O! the scene after the battle! T. W. Johnson, 
surgeon in charge at Pilot Knob, in his official report 
gives the rebel loss in killed and wounded at 1,500, 
which is confirmed by later collateral testimony. Four 
weeks after the battle there were in hospital in Ironton, 
a few miles from Pilot Knob, Col. Thomas, chief of 
Gen'l Pagan's staff, three majors, seven captains, twelve 
lieutenants and 204 enlisted men, representing seven- 
teen regiments «and four batteries (seventeen regiments 
and four batteries gives an idea of the size of Price's 
army) all dangerously and nearly all mortally wound- 
ed. Their dead were buried, the slightly wounded fol- 
lowed Price's army, and the rest of the rebel wounded 
were sent South under Col. Raines. I have given here 
somewhat in detail, a report of the battle of Pilot Knob 
to place before you the probable fact that this was the 
most sanguinary battle of the war, if not in history. 

44 



Ewing had, all told, less than i,ooo men; the enemy's 
loss was 1,500 — one and a half times Eunng's entire 
force. The story of the capture of Major Wilson and 
six of his command in this battle, and of their treatment 
while prisoners of war and of their tragic death, is told 
in the following order ; 

General Orders. 
No. 51. 

Headqu.\rters St. Louis District. 

St. Louis, Mo., October 26, 1864. 

With profound sorrow the Gen'l commanding announces the 
mournful intelligence of the murder of Maj. James Wilson, 3d Cav.. 
Mo. State Militia, and six of his command. On the 27th day of 
Sept. they were taken in a fair fight at Pilot Knob by Brig. Gen'l 
Pagan's command and were subjected to every indignity which 
malignant cowardice could invent until the first instant, when they 
were delivered ten miles west of Union, Mo., by order of the rebel 
field ofl:icer of the day, to the guerrilla Tom Reeves for execution. 
Their bodies were found yesterday, and that of Maj. Wilson, though 
riddled by bullets and mutilated from long exposure, was identified 
by the uniform and private and official papers found upon it, as well 
as b\- the personal recognition of his associates in service. He was 
an oflficer of rare intelligence, zeal, courage, and judgment, and his 
soldierly virtues were adorned by a purity, unselfishness and m- 
tegrity of character which won the love, respect and trust alike 
of his subordinates and superiors. When the war broke out he 
enlisted the service a private and by that act of devotion to the 
government severed almost all ties that bound him to family and 
home. Comrades! Cherish the memory of his resplendent virtues, 
follow his patriotic example and justly avenge his fiendish murder. 
Col. J. H. Baker, commanding the Post of St. Louis, will cause 
the bod}^ of Maj. Wilson to be received at the depot with proper 
escort and will arrange for its burial here with military honors. 

By order of Brig. Gen'l Thomas Ewing, Jr. 

H. Hannahs, 
Actg. As St. Adj. General. 

Previous to the issuing of this order there were 
rumors that Major \\'ilson and his men had ]:)een cruelly 

45 



put to death by bushwhackers. Gen'l Ewing, greatly 
exasperated, called the attention of Gen'l Rosecrans, 
commanding the Department of the Missouri, to these 
rumors, whereupon Gen'l Rosecrans issued the following- 
order : 

Special Orders. 
No. 277. 

Headquarters Department of the Missouri. 

October 6, 1864. 
From testimony which cannot be doubted, the Commanding Gen- 
eral learns that Maj. James Wilson, 3d Cav., Mo. State Militia, and 
six enlisted men of his command, prisoners, were turned over to the 
guerilla Tim Reeves for execution. The provost of the department 
will send a major and six enlisted men, prisoners of the rebel army, 
in irons, to the military prison at Alton. 111., to be kept in military 
confinement until the fate of Maj. Wilson and his men is known. 
The men will receive the same treatment Maj. Wilson and his men 
receive. The Provost Marshal Gen'l is held responsible for the 
execution of this order. 

By command of Maj. Gen'l Rosecrans. 

Frank Eno, 
Assf. Adj. Gen'l. 

When the conclusive evidence of Major Wilson's 
death was received at Gen'l Ewing's headquarters, he 
wrote Col. Du Bois, Chief of Staff: 

"There is no Confederate Maj. in our possession here, except 
Abounded in hospital. The Commissary Gen'l of Prisoners will 
probably not turn over one from Alton to you for execution. I 
therefore earnestly recommend that fourteen privates of Price's 
army be executed in retaliation. Eight for Wilson, six for his 
murdered associates. 

Thomas Ewing, Jr., 

B^'ig. Gen'l. 

The same day, October 25, Joseph Darr, Provost 
Marshal, sent the following telegram : 

46 



Headquarter Department of the Missouri. 
Office of Provost Marshal Gen'l. 

St. Louis, Mo.. October 25, 1864. 
Col. J. V. Du Bois, Chief of Staff in the Field: 

Please give directions to have the first Confederate Maj. cap- 
tured forwarded to me without delay. It is now almost certain that 
Maj. Wilson and his men were murdered and I propose on satis- 
factory proof of same to shoot instantly their equivalent of rebels 
in accordance with orders heretofore given me. If no prospect of 
receiving a rebel major soon as prisoner, will you. as before sug- 
gested, telegraph to the Commissary Gen'l of Prisoners to send me 
one now under his charge, belonging to the command of any of 
the Confederate leaders now in Missouri. 

Joseph Darr, Jr., 
Acting Provost Marshal Gen' I. 

Confederate majors were not numerous about that 
time, as none seemed to be forthcoming. There were 
rebel officers captured in the Price raid, who were called 
majors in their respective regiments, but when con- 
fronted by Provost Marshal Darr, denied their rank and 
were only captains. Failing to get his hands on a real 
major prisoner, Darr proceeded to execute his orders 
of retaliation as indicated in the following report : 

Officer of the Provost Marshal Gen'l. 

St. Louis, Mo., Oct. 29, 1864. 
Col. J. B. Du Bois, Chief of Staff in the Field. 

Col: I have the honor to inform the Commanding Gen'l that 
on this day the following rebel soldiers, James W. Gates, 2nd Mo. 
Cav., C. S. A.; John Nichols, 2nd Mo. Cav.. C S. A.; Chas. W. 
Minnken, Co. A, Crabtree's Cav., C S. A. ; Geo. F. Burch, Co. B, 
3d Mo. Cav., C. S. A. ; Harry H. Blackburn, Co. A, Coleman's 
Regt., C. S. A., were executed by being shot to death by musketry 
in retaliation for the murder of six men of the 3d Cav-, Mo. State 
Militia, by Tim Reeves, guerillas, and in compliance with Special 
Orders No. 277, paragraph 12, dated Oct. 6, 1864 I inclose report 
on the case. 

I have the honor, etc., 

Joseph Darr, 
Acting Provost Marshal Gen'l. 
47 



These unfortunate men were taken from Gratiot 
Street prison in government wagons, each man sitting 
on his own cofiFin, to the outskirts of the city of St. 
Louis, near one of the earth works thrown up early in 
the war for the defense of the city. Every detail in the 
plan for the execution of these men was perfect. Six 
posts, each with a l^ench attached, were set firmly in the 
ground in a line about three feet apart. The men were 
taken from the wagons, blindfolded and seated each on 
his bench, and arms pinioned to the post. Five paces 
in front of them were drawn up in two ranks twenty- 
four picked men, armed with muskets, twelve of which 
were loaded with l^all and twelve with blank cartridges, 
and so distributed^ that no one of the men knew whose 
gun did the deadly work. Standing two paces in their 
rear was the officer in command. All preparations be- 
ing ready, the captain, in low, firm tones, gave the com- 
mand : ready, aim, fire ! One volley, one report and six 
men dead, the blood spurting in streams from each 
man's heart, so accurate was the aim. As the captain 
gave the command to fire one poor fellow cried out in 
piteous tones, ''Boys, don't shoot." That cry has rung in 
my ears through all the years. I stood only a few feet 
from him. I trust it will never again be my duty to have 
a part in such a scene. Did GenT Sherman exaggerate 
when he said, "War is hell?" This was grim retaliation 
under the law of war and in accordance with General 
Order No. lOO, from which I quote as follows: ''The 
law of war can no more dispense with retaliation than 
can the law of nations. A reckless enemy often leaves 
to his opponent no other means of securing himself 
against the repetition of 1)arbarous outrages. All pris- 
oners of war are liable to the infliction of retaliatory 
measures." And now we come to that part of Gen'l 

48 



Rosecrans order to execute a rebel major. Major 
Enoch O. Wolf, one of Gen'l Marmaduke's officers, was 
selected by Col. Darr and ordered to be shot to death 
on Friday, November nth, in retaliation. On Novem- 
ber 8th, three days before the day set for his execution. 
Major Wolf wrote a very strenous letter to Gen'l Rose- 
crans, requesting a suspension of the order. He said, 
''I ask it as a soldier, I ask it as a gentleman, I ask it as 
an officer, I ask it as a member of the Masonic frater- 
nity." In the meantime Col. Darr placed Maj. Wolf 
in irons and proceeded with the arrangements for his 
execution. Some friend of Major Wolf telegraphed 
Mr. Lincoln, requesting a suspension of the order. 
Major Wolf was to be shot on the nth and on the loth 
the following telegraph order was received by Gen'l 
Rosecrans : 

Washington. D. C. Nov. io, 1864. 
Maj. Gen'l Rosccrani, St. Louis, Mo. : 

Suspend the execution of Maj. Wolf until further orders, and 
meanwhile report to me the case. 

A. Lincoln. 

In response to this telegram Gen'l Rosecrans wrote 
to the President a very earnest argument for the execu- 
tion of Major Wolf, which I will not copy. Mr. Lin- 
coln's tender heart in this, as in so many other similar 
instances, would not consent to Major Wolf's execution. 
Thus Major Wolf's life was spared. In compliance 
with orders dated February 24th, 1865, Major Wolf 
was sent to City Point for exchange. There were many 
retaliatory orders issued on both sides during the war, 
but few of them were ever executed. 

Maj. -Gen'l Benj. F. Butter issued some noted retal- 
iatory orders when in command in New Orleans. In 

49 



one official report to tlie Secretary of War, dated June 
loth, 1863, he says: ''Wm. B. Mumford, when after 
the raising of the flag of the United States, upon the 
United States mint by flag officer Farragut, pulled it 
down, dragged it through the streets, followed by an ex- 
cited mob, tore it in shreds and distributed the pieces 
among the gamblers, assassins and murderers, his com- 
rades, was tried, condemned and executed on Saturday 
the 7th inst. on the spot where he committed his heinous 
crime." Before the execution of Mumford, Gen'l But- 
ler was threatened with assassination if he executed 
him. Some prominent people of New Orleans sug- 
gested to Butler that if he executed Mumford it would 
inflame the people to deeds of murder and riot. Gen'l 
Butler replied that it was his duty to execute the order 
of the court, no matter how painful nor what the effect 
would be on the people. President Davis tried in vain 
to know if the government at Washington approved of 
Butler's conduct in this matter. Finally he issued his 
proclamation, from which I quote : ''Now therefore, T, 
Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States of 
America, and in their name, do pronounce and declare 
the said Benjamin F. Butler to be a felon deserving of 
capital punishment I do order that he be no longer 
considered and treated simply as a public enemy of the 
Confederate States of America, but an outlaw and com- 
mon enemy of mankind, and in the event of his capture 
the officer in command of the capturing force will cause 
him to be immediately executed by hanging, and I do 
further order that no conmiissioned officer of the United 
States taken captive shall he released on parole or ex- 
changed until the said Butler shall have met with due 
punishment for his crime. That all commissioned 
officers in tlie command of the said Benj. F. Butler, be 

50 



declared not entitled to be considered as soldiers engaged 
in honorable warfare, but as robbers and criminals, 
deserving of death ; and that they and each of them be, 
whenever captured, reserved for execution." 

There were many officers of United States cap- 
tured after that, but none of them were held under this 
order of President Davis, simply because they were un- 
able to capture and execute Gen'l Butler. 

In a pul^lic place in the city of New Orleans there 
stands a granite monument in heroic size. It bears no 
name. The broad mouth, the classic face, bespeaks the 
name of Henry Clay. Tradition says Gen'l Butler caused 
the following inscription to be engraved on that monu- 
ment — the utterance of Henry Clay: 'Tf I could be in- 
strumental in eradicating the deepest stain, slavery, from 
the character of our country, I would not exchange the 
proud satisfaction which I should enjoy for the honor of 
all the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful con- 
queror." Compare this utterance with that of David R. 
Atchison, on Mount Oread, overlooking the city of Law- 
rence, Kansas, in May, 1856. 

The following is one of President Lincoln's retalia- 
tory orders : 

(tf.nkr.^l Orders. 
No. 252. 

Adjutant General's Office. 

July 31, 1863. 
The government of the United States will give the same pro- 
tection to all of its soldiers; and if their enemy shall sell or en- 
slave any one because of his color, the offense shall be punished 
by retaliation upon the enemies' prisoners in our possession. It is 
therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed 
in violation of the laws of war a rebel soldier shall be executed, and 
for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery a rebel sol- 
dier shall be placed at hard labor until the other shall be released 
and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
51 



Another notable retaliatory order was in the case 
of General W. H. F. Lee, son of General Robert E. Lee, 
who was captured June 23, 1863, by Col. Spear, nth 
Penn. Cav. Two officers of the Union army had been 
captured by the enemy and sentenced to be executed as 
spies in Richmond. The case was presented to the Pres- 
ident and he held that they had been unjustly con- 
demned and requested their release. The Confederate 
government refused, whereupon he issued the following 
order : 

Washington, D. C, July 15, 1863. 
Col. Ludlozv, Agent for the Exchange of Prisoners of War: 

The President directs that you immediately place General W. 
H. F. Lee and another officer selected by you not below the rank of 
Captain, prisoners of war. in close confinement and under strong 
guard, and that you notify Mr. R. Ould, Confederate Agent for 
Exchange of Prisoners of War, that if Capt. H. W. Sawyer, ist 
N. J. Vols. Cav., and Capt. John M. Flinn, 51st Indiana Vols., or 
any other officers or men in the service of the United States, not 
guilty of crimes punishable with death by the laws of war, shall be 
executed by the enemy, the aforementioned prisoners will be im- 
mediately hung in retaliation. It is also directed that immediately 
on receiving official or other authentic information of the execution 
of Capt. Sawyer and Capt. Flinn, you will proceed to hang General 
Lee and the other rebel officer designated as hereinbefore directed, 
and that you notify Robrt Ould, Esq., of such proceeding and assure 
him that the Government of the United States will proceed to re- 
taliate for every similar barbarous violation of the laws of civ- 
ilized war. 

H. W. Halleck, 

General in Chief. 

The sequel shows that neither of the two orders 
was executed and the unfortunate prisoners were all 
subsequently released. General Lee, after the war, was 
a member of Congress and continued in the public ser- 
vice during the remainder of his life. 

Southern Missouri and Northern Arkansas were 
also the scene of terrible tragedies. Karly in I(S6t, the 

52 



pro-slavery men began their fiendish work there. They 
hung, shot, captured and drove from the country Union 
men, until there was not a Union man nor a Union fam- 
ily left at home from Batesville, Arkansas, to Rolla, Mis- 
souri, a distance of 200 miles. I will quote from a book 
entitled, ''A History of Southern Missouri and North- 
ern Arkansas," by Col. Wm. Monks, who resides at 
West Plains, Howell Co., Mo. Howell Co. is in the 
middle of the southern tier of counties of the state. 
Col. Monks was born in the state of Alabama and 
moved with his father's family into Southern Missouri 
in 1844. Col. Monks was an uncompromising Union 
man and took the stump against secession in 1861. In 
the public meetings held at that time inflammatory 
speeches were made, and excitement ran high, men sat 
in the audiences with their guns in their hands or near 
them. He quotes from a characteristic speech of Judge 
Wm. Price, a noted Secessionist of Springfield, known 
as *'Wild Bill" Price. Price told the audience that the 
lop-eared Dutch had reached Rolla and they were com- 
plete heathen. That Abraham Lincoln had given the 
state of Missouri to the Dutch, if they would send 
enough of their men into the state to conquer it, and 
that to his knowledge they had gone out into the coun- 
try and taken men's wives and daughters and brought 
them into their camps and that he saw them, in the pres- 
ence of their mothers, run bayonets through their infant 
children and hoist them up and carry them around on 
their bayonets ; that Lincoln had offered a prize for all 
the preachers that were in iaxor of the Soutli, and called 
upon all men in his audience to come forward and en- 
list to drive the lop-eared Dutch from the state. Nearly 
all the preachers went forward and placed their names 
on the list first. 

53 



General McBride was appointed to command all the 
Confederates in that region. He massed his forces at 
West Plains and sent out orders for every Union man 
to come into headquarters and take the oath of alle- 
giance to the Confederate cause or he hung as high as 
Haman. Col. Monks refused to take the oath. He 
was arrested in the middle of the night while in hed and 
dragged out from his family, without the privilege of 
saying good hye to them, subjected to all manner of 
abuse. They threatened to hang him, even attempted to 
thrust a noose over his neck, which he resisted ; sold him 
for a beef-cow to a gang of miserable devils who demand- 
ed of Capt. Forshee, commander of the guard, the priv- 
ilege of shooting him. ''Listen," they said, "Do you 
hear the fife and drum? That is Gen'l McBride's com- 
mand coming to kill them lop-eared Dutch. Do you 
know what he is going to do with such men as you are? 
Those of you we don't hang in the first fight we get in- 
to with them lop-eared Dutch, we will make breast-works 
out of to keep bullets off of good men." Some of the 
men who were torturing him were his neighbors. The 
leader of the gang said to him, *'You have just half a 
minute to say you w^ill join the army and fight for the 
Confederacy or go to hell, just which you please." 
Monks replied, ''When you kill me you wont kill all the 
Union men ; you will meet plenty of them some day, and 
they won't be disarmed as I am now." The leader said, 
"None of your damned foolishness, we mean business." 

Capt. Forshee and all of his command were neigh- 
bors of Monks, he knew^ them all. Monks finally es- 
caped in a dark night during a heavy thunder storm. 
Working his way back to Springfield he reported to 
Gen'l Lyon, who was in command of the Union troops 
there and told him he wanted to enlist in the army. 

54 



Gen'l Lyon, after learning his history, told him he 
wanted him to command a company of scouts which he 
would organize for him, accordingly he was commis- 
sioned as Captain and placed in command of about 
thirty picked men. After the battle of Wilson's Creek, 
where Gen'l Lyon was killed, the scene in the vicinity 
was terrible to behold. That was a drawn battle. Both 
armies retreated. Gen'l Siegel, n command of the 
Union forces, retreated in one direction and Price in 
another. The i)eople knew not what would be the 
result ; men would ride around and tell their neighbors 
that all was lost and bid their families good bye. After 
Price learned that Siegel was not going to follow him. 
rallied his forces and all the rebel element, divided them 
into squads and sent them all throughout Southern Mis- 
souri and Northern Arkansas with instructions to drive 
out every Union man in that country. From that time, 
''death to Union men" was the battle cry. An old man, 
60 years of age, by the name of James was charged with 
grinding corn for Union men and their families. They 
arrested him and a man by the name of Brown, and 
another by the name of Russell and several others. 
They took James and Brown, procured a rope, hunted 
a long limb of a tree, rolled a big rock up to the first 
rope, one end of which was tied to the limb, and placed a 
noose around James' neck, stood him on the rock, then 
rolled the rock from under his feet and left him swing- 
ing in the air — rolled the rock to the next rope, stood 
Browm on it, placed the noose around his neck, rolled 
the rock out and left him swinging in the air, then rolled 
the rock to the third rope, stood Russell on the rock and 
just as they were about to put the noose around his 
neck, the cry came that the home guards were right upon 
them. They fled in great haste, leaving Russell stand- 

55 



ing- on the rock, and James and Brown dangling in the 
air. Russell fled for his life. The next day the wives 
of James and Brown, with the help of a few other women, 
buried them. They dug graves underneath the swing- 
ing bodies, laid bed clothing in them and cut the ropes 
and the bodies fell in the coffinless graves and were 
covered with earth. Some of the men who were en- 
gaged in this barbarous deed are still living in Howell 
Co., not far from the place where this horrible scene was 
enacted. There was an old man by the name of Rhodes, 
80 years of age, very feeble, whose hair was white as 
snow, who resided on the head of Bennett's Bayou, 
Howell Co. When he heard of the murder of James and 
Brown he said openly there was no civil war in that, 
and that the men who did it were guilty of murder. 
Some two weeks after the murder of James and Brown, 
Dr. Nunly and Wm. Sapp (the latter one of the devils 
who attempted to place a rope around Monk's neck when 
he was a prisoner), with a posse of about twenty-five 
men went to Rhodes' house, where he and his aged wife 
lived alone, called him out and told him they wanted 
him to go with them. His good wife came out, and 
being acquainted with some of the men in the party, 
said, "You are not going to hurt my old man." They 
said, "We just want him to go a piece over here," and 
ordered the old man to come along. They went about 
a c|uarter of a mile from his house. Then they in- 
formed him of what he had said about the men who 
hung James and Brown. Then they shot him, cut off 
his ears, cut out his heart. Dr. Nunly, the leader of 
the gang, remarked that he was going to take the heart 
home with him, pickle it, and keep it to show people how 
a black Republican's heart looked. They left his body 
on the ground and rode away. There were no men in 

56 



the neighborhood that Mrs. Rhodes could get to look 
after her husband ; although quite feeble she started out 
in search of him. On the second day about fifty yards 
from the road, while she was looking for him, she heard 
hogs sciuealing and grunting as though they were eat- 
ing something. She went to the place and found the 
hogs were just about to commence eating the remains 
of her husband. She drove them away and called some 
of the women of the neighborhood. They came and 
helped dress the body and bury him. Not a single rebel 
put in an appearance to help the women to bury either 
James, Brown or Rhodes. The perpetrators of these 
horrible deeds were never arrested or condemned either 
by civil or Confederate authorities, but as far as could be 
learned those fiendish acts were approved as the most 
effective means to strike terror to Union men and drive 
them out of the state. A few days following a gang of 
rebels arrested Benjamin Alsop, residing in the Hutton 
Valley, who was an uncompromising Union man. They 
took him to Little Rock, placed him in the penitentiary 
and kept him there until Little Rock fell into the hands 
of the Union troops, when he was exchanged. While 
they had him a prisoner they worked him in a bark mill 
by the side of an old mule with a strap around his breast 
and two leather hand holds. After these devils had 
hung, shot and captured and driven out all the Lhiion 
men, they called a public meeting to consider what 
should be done with their families. A committee was ap- 
pointed to go to each Union family and notify them to 
leave the country. They acknowledged that it was 
harsh treatment, but if they were allowed to remain 
their husbands would be coming back and making 
trouble; that their property really belonged to the 
Confederate government, but under the circumstances 

57 



they would be permitted to take enough to carry them 
inside the Union hues, where in all probability their 
husbands and sons were, and then they would take care 
of them. They would have a reasonable time to pre- 
pare for the journey. Then if they did not leave, they 
would be forced to do so. This produced the wildest 
excitement among the women and children. They did 
not know where their husbands and fathers were, even 
if alive. Little had they thought that while the rebels 
were chasing, hanging, shooting their men, that they too 
would become victims of rebel hatred and forced to 
leave house, home and property and go — they knew not 
where. So they prepared for the journey, taking such 
things as they most needed, with no men to assist them. 
They went forth, some to Kansas, some to Springfield 
and Rolla and other stations within Federal lines. 

After they reached Federal lines the military com- 
manders gave them all tlie assistance within their power, 
some w^ere quartered in vacant houses, some in tents. 
They had to leave home with small amount of rations, 
and these were soon exhausted. There was suffering 
beyond all description in all their camps. The govern- 
ment could not feed and clothe them. They had little or 
no money. O ! the misery, the grief no pen can des- 
cribe. Ilie husbands and sons of some were found, 
they had enlisted in the army, either as guides and 
scouts or in the state militia, and their duty called them 
away from their families, and all they could do was to 
send 'to them the small pittance of thirteen dollars a 
month, the purchasing power of which then was about 
equal to five dollars before the war. Contrast the condi- 
tion of the loyal women of Southern Missouri and North- 
ern Arkansas witli the loyal women in the northern 
states in 1861 and on tln'ough to the end of the war and 

58 



I 



afterwards. The women of the North sacrificed much. 
They cheerfully gave their husbands and sons to the 
defense of the Union. They prepared materials and 
delicacies for the sick and wounded in hospitals, but 
they had their comfortable homes, plenty to eat and 
plenty to wear, kind friends to sympathize with them 
and to cheer them. There was no enemy lurking near 
to threaten to burn their houses or barns or destroy their 
property. Their husbands and sons were not brutally 
murdered by false friends and neighbors and left dang- 
ling in the air for them to bury in coffinless graves. The 
loyal women of the North sacrificed much, all honor to 
them. But in comparison, think of the sacrifices of the 
loyal women of the border. 

All for their love of country and for their devotion 
to the old flag. The above scenes narrated by Col. 
Monks, and I have quoted only a few as specimens, 
were all enacted in 1861, two years before General Or- 
der No. 1 1 was issued. Where one disloyal family was 
expelled from home by the operation of that order, 
made necessary to protect the loyal citizens of the bor- 
der against Quantrell's murderous raids, there were ten 
loyal families driven out from their homes in southern 
Missouri and northern Arkansas by a gang of cut 
throats, who were not only seeking the life of Union 
men, but the life of the nation itself. These loyal men 
and women were driven out, not because they had com- 
mitted any crime, but because they refused to swear 
allegiance to a government founded upon the institution 
of slavery, and because they were loyal to the Stars and 
Stripes. 

Col. Monks gives detailed accounts of the war and 
the cruelties of war in southern Missouri and northern 
Arkansas on through the years 1862, '63, '64 and '65. 

59 



In the fall of 1863, Col. Livingston, ist Ne- 
braska, was ordered to proceed with his command 
to Batesville, Arkansas, and establish a post there. 
Enroute he encountered bands of bushwhackers, 
detached bodies , of rel)el troops and observed 
that they were mostly dressed in Federal uniform. He 
issued a general order and sent it in every direction that 
all rebels or bushwhackers captured wearing the Federal 
uniform would be court-martialed and shot. On arrival 
at West Plains the advance of the command had cap- 
tured three Confederates dressed in Federal uniform, 
one escaped, the other two were shot. Leaving West 
Plains, Col. Livingston proceeded on towards Bates- 
ville. Bushwhackers and detachments of rebel troops 
were encountered all along the route, and most of them 
were dressed in Federal uniform. They captured sev- 
eral prisoners who were dressed in Federal uniform 
when captured. They were court-martialed and shot. 
Col. Monks had the satisfaction of retaliating on some 
of the devils who maltreated him while in their hands a 
prisoner. In June, 1863, a detachment of about thirty 
men of an Iowa regiment were sent out on a scout ; and 
as they were marching along they saw approaching them 
a body of about 250 men in Federal uniform. As they 
approached the army salute was passed and when the 
larger body was well along side the L^nion troops each 
man had his man covered with a gun. They were rebel 
troops all dressed in Federal uniform and ordered the 
detachment to surrender. The Federals saw that they 
were entrapped and surrendered. They were marched 
about a quarter of a mile, dismounted and ordered to 
strip. After they were all stripped completely naked, 
were told to juit on the old clothes of which they had 
divested themselves. Thus at a given signal the devils 

60' 



fired a deadly volley into them. Then followed one of 
the most desperate scenes ever witnessed by the eye of 
man. The prisoners saw their doom, and those who 
were not killed by the first volley rushed at the rebels, 
caught them, wrested their arms from them — a most 
desperate struggle took place, the prisoners fought like 
tigers until the last man was killed. Several of them 
had their throats cut with knives and were otherwise 
mutilated. Several citizens were present and reported 
the affair to the commander at Rolla. Col. Monks was 
sent with his scouts and wagons to take the dead bodies 
to Rolla for burial. He says it was the most horrible 
scene that imagination could conceive. 

There w^as a man who lived about six miles below 
West Plains, a Union man. but who had never taken 
active part on either side; he was a blacksmith. About 
fifteen rebel scouts went to his house, called for their 
dinners. Some of them had their horses shod, after 
which they got their dinner. Then they told him they 
wanted liim to go with them. His wife said to them, 
'Tt can't be possible that after you have been treated so 
kindly by him that you are going to take him prisoner? 
You will not hurt him, will you?" They made no reply, 
but mounted him on his horse and rode about half a 
mile, then shot him off his horse, took his horse and 
went on, leaving the dead man by the roadside. His 
wife found his body and, with the assistance of some 
neighboring women, l^rought him in and buried him. 
About two w^eeks after this a posse of rebels came to ihe 
house of a man named Bacon, who was a Union man, 
but never verv active, arrested him, started west with 
him in the direction of South Fork, left the road a short 
distance and shot him dead. They rode on to a house 
and ordered dinner. The woman fried some bacon ; 

61 



after they were seated she passed the bacon to them. 
Several of them spoke up in unison, *'\Ve don't care for 
bacon, we have had some, but disposed of it a vShort time 
before we reached your house." Mr. Bacon laid several 
days where he fell and when he was found the body was 
badly decomposed . A hole was dug near where he lay 
and his body buried. Is there any retribution for such 
men ? A story is told of a Universalist minister who en- 
listed in the Union army as a Chaplain, and went to the 
front with his regiment. After an experience of six 
months in an active campaign he obtained a furlough 
and visited his home. He was invited to preach in his 
old church. In his introductory remarks he said, ''You 
know when T was your pastor, I preached that there was 
no hell, but since I have been down among the rebels I 
have conie to think, that if there is no hell, that one 
ought to be created as a military necessity." A wag in 
the audience shouted, ''Bully for you, pastor, hire me to 
cart coal for you." Doubtless there were a good many 
Union people in Missouri and northern Arkansas who 
were driven from home in 1861, who would like the job 
of makinp- it hot for those miserable devils. 

J. M. Dixon, who resides in Moody, Izard Co., 
Arkansas, says the Union men in Izard, Fulton and 
Independence counties, many of them, were arrested 
and taken to the penitentiary at Little Rock. Those 
people were robbed and plundered as long as there was 
anything worth taking and after they had got all the 
Union people had, commenced arresting and hanging 
them. They arrested a young man and placed a halter 
around his neck to hang him. He l)roke away from 
them and ran a mile l:)efore they caught him. Then 
they hung him to a leaning tree. Dixon says a prom- 
inent member of the Baptist church scratched the dirt 

62 



from under his toes in order that he might hang clear 
of the ground. Mr. Dixon says he has seen the tree on 
which the young man was hung. 

Another brutal murder Mr. Dixon speaks of was 
the case of Rube Hudson, a Union man, who had been 
driven from home and returned again in the winter of 
1865. From exposure he took sick with pneumonia. 
The rebels heard that he was at home, they raided his 
house. His wife had secreted him under the floor; they 
turned everything in the house up-side down and then 
started to go away; Hudson had a spell of coughing, 
for he was very ill; hearing him they came back, tore 
up the floor, found him, dragged him out and took him 
about one hundred yards from the house; there lie was 
beaten and hung up to compel him to tell whether other 
Union men had returned with him; finally they hung 
him and shot him to death. The family could hear 
him pleading for his life; he made a special appeal to 
one of his near neighbors, who was one of the gang, to 
intercede for him and save him. The only consolation 
he got was, ''You are a goner. Rube; you are a goner. 
Rube." Having completed the job, they left him hang- 
mg and rode away. His family cut him down and 
buried him. He met his death for no other cause than 
that of being a staunch Union man. Another blood- 
curdling murder was perpetrated upon the person of 
Minor White because he was loyal to the old flag. He 
refused to take the oath of allegiance to the Confederate 
government. He was taken to the county seat of Izard 
Co., tried on the charge of disloyalty to the stars and 
bars, and released. Before he started home, a friend 
told him not to go the road for the rebels would follow 
and killed him. He replied, 'T have done nothing that 
would be a reason for me to shun the road and sneak 

63 



home through the woods. I am going to take the pub- 
He highway, if I am killed." The mob that took him to 
the county seat followed him and overtook him about 
a mile away, shot him and otherwise mutilated his body 
and left his dead l^ody hanging to a tree. Mr. Dixon 
says, 'T could mention many things that were done to 
the Union men and women in northern Arkansas that 
make me shudder now to think of; and if I were to un- 
dertake to relate all that came under my own observa- 
tion, and the many incidents that took place in the coun- 
ties mentioned, that were related to me by others who 
are entitled to credit for honor and truth, it would fill a 
volume." There was not a Union family left at home 
at one time in the counties referred to. 

Col. Monks says when the w^ar was over he went to 
Rolla and got his family who were "refugees'' and 
returned to West Plains. "But O ! what a sight. There 
was not a single building of any kind left in the town 
and l)ut few in the surrounding country. The rebels 
had burned them all. The scene was heart-rending." 
Union men and Confederates returning to places where 
once they had happy homes, to find only the ashes and 
the naked soil left. And their families, where were 
they? The house gone, the family gone, property gone. 
In many instances the wife and children returning to 
find that the husband and father had been murdered, in 
other cases, the husband and father had been driven out of 
the country by the rebels and had enlisted in Union 
army and been killed in battle. It is said that in May. 
1866, there were but seventy-eight families living in 
Howell County. 

Col. Monks says, with the courage of heroes, they 
went to work to relniild houses and fences and gather 
tlie fragments of families, some members of which were 

64 



never found, and now West Plains has a population of 
4,000. It is an educational town with colleges, high 
schools and churches, business houses all in a flourishing 
condition. I can appreciate Col. Monks' description of 
the desolate condition of the country in the region of 
West Plains. After the battle of Prairie Grove, I was 
left, with other disabled and wounded men in Fayette- 
ville, Ark. Those who survived and had recovered 
sufficiently to be moved were organized into what was 
called a "sick train," to be taken north to Springfield, 
Mo., w^here our command had gone into winter quarters. 
Those who had two legs and were otherwise able had 
to march. Those with one leg and others unable to 
march rode in army wagons. The wagons were old. 
disabled and condemned ; the mules and horses such as 
had been condemned for disability, as were the harness 
when the army fell back on Springfield. It was a 
sickly looking outfit ; our escort was a detacliment of 
Arkansas mounted militia, made up chiefly of Union 
men who had been driven from their homes by the 
rebels — under command of a captain. I ''pressed into 
service" an "inspected and condemned" government 
horse, found an old headstall, and "borrowed" a com- 
fort from a bed in an. abandoned house in the village, 
which I used for a saddle by day and a bed by night. 
Thus equipped I followed in the wake of the train. 
I had no rations and, being an officer, was not entitled to 
eat of the rations of the enlisted men, but I was des- 
perate and joined with "the boys" in singing as we 
started on our long march, "Aren't you mighty glad to 
get out of the Wilderness, to get out of the Wilderness, 
down in Arkansas." After we had gone a few miles 
a mounted officer rode up and joined me. I was the 
only mounted man in "the column," beside the escort. 

65 



We rode along together for a while and I observed he 
watched me very intently; finally he said, "Were you in 
the battle of Prairie Grove?" I replied in the affirm- 
ative. He said, '*Do you remember being on the battle- 
ground that night looking after some of your missing 
men?" I said. "Yes." *'Do you remember halting at 
a wounded man, and at his request, giving him a drink 
of water from your canteen?" I replied, *'I did." ''And 
you ordered an ambulance driver against his protest 
to turn around and take the wounded man to your 
camp." ''I did." ''Well, I am that officer and you 
saved my life. I received a gun-shot wound in my 
right arm, severing the main artery ; the ball carried 
some of the cloth into the wound and with the shock 
stopped the flow of blood. I lay on the ground for 
several hours where you found me. The surgeon said, 
when he dressed my wound, that if my wound had 
not been treated when it was the wound would have 
opened afresh, and I would have bled to death." He 
was a Lieutenant in an Iowa regiment. 

Our route was over the Old Overland Stage Lino, 
wliich was through a quite thickly settled country be- 
fore the war; but now we rode for hours, not seeing 
a house or barn or fence — all burned down, the stone 
chimneys standing as if silent sentinels guarding the 
ashes of what was once the home of happiness. 

As night began to approach, my comrade and ] 
began to think of what we would have for rations and 
where we could get them. Presently I observed a road 
brandling off from ours, leading up a ravine. I suggested 
to my comrade that we take that road for a while 
and might find a house. We rode up the ravine about 
a mile, when we heard a dog bark at a little distance 
from tlie road. It was getting dark. We rode in 

66 



that direction and soon came to a log house. I dis- 
mounted and rapped at the door. A woman came. 1 
asked if we could "get to stay all night." She said : 
''I might as well say yes, for I suppose you will stay 
anyhow." Fortunately there was a log barn near in 
which we sheltered our horses and gave them some corn 
stalks for rations. We went into the house, where a 
rousing fire was blazing in the big fireplace. After warm- 
ing oiu'selves, I asked our hostess if I might have some 
hot water with which to make some coffee. I had, as 
most of my men had, a small sack of coffee, tied and 
suspended from pants button, never to be used only 
in cases of emergency. This was an emergency. 

She soon had some boiling water for me and, get- 
ting my tin cup, proceeded to make some coffee. Tbo 
aroma of the coffee appealed to her and she came u]) 
close to me and said in low tones: '*Mr., if you will 
give me a cup of that coffee I will get you a supper 
of corn dogger and bacon." That would be equivalent 
to saying up in God's county ''beefsteak and coffee" 
Of course I said yes. She got us a good meal, which 
we enjoyed immensely. It was worth an all-day's ride 
in the cold storm, just to see the good woman sip that 
coffee and smack her lips as she said, 'T have not 
had a drink of coffee since the war." We slept on the 
floor in front of the roaring fireplace. In the morning I 
asked to repeat the compliment. She had another drink 
of coffee and we a good breakfast. We bade our hoc 
tess good bye and went for our horses. 

We pushed on and joined the *'Sick Column" near 
a place called Cross Hollows. There the column was 
halted. The escort had come upon the dead body of 
a Union soldier, who was carrying the mail from 
Springfield to Fayetteville. He had been shot by bush- 

67 



whackers during the night. This so enraged the escort 
that the Captain rode out to a httle hamlet, consisting 
of about eight or ten houses, and about half a mile away, 
and ordered all the women and children out of the 
houses, together with such of their household effects 
as they cared to save, and then set fire to every house. 
The unfortunate women and children were gathered in 
little groups on the snow-covered ground, watching the 
destruction of their homes. Such is war! This was 
retaliation, for these homes sheltered and fed the 
bushwhackers who killed the Union soldier. 

It was early in the morning and it had snowed dur- 
ing the previous night, the ground being white. T 
sat on my horse and saw the Captain and his men sei 
fire to every house there. The women and children 
standing around in the snow — some of them bare 
footed and all of them scantily clad. The Captain said 
to the women : 'T reckon you won't harbor any more 
bushwhackers here.'' 

As I sat on my horse and watched tlie houses go 
up in smoke and the poor unforunate women and chil- 
dren shivering in the morning cold, I said this is 
cruelty and you can not refine it. Our train moved on 
over the desolate road and for miles and miles not a 
house nor barn nor fence to be seen — all destroyed 
Our men had cam])ed on the site of Elk Horn tavern, 
which was a noted hostelry on the stage route before 
the war, but now nothing but the ashes remained. Tt 
was in the vicinity of the battleground of Pea Ridge. 
Our men that niglit 1)urned in their camp fire the last 
board left of the immense stal:)les connected with the 
tavern. No pen can describe the desolate country. 

In conclusion, permit me to remark that the his- 
torv of the A\'ar of the Reliellion is eml^odied in the 



lives of those who were engaged in it. I have the 
honor, on this occasion, of addressing a representative 
body of men who had a large share in making the his- 
tory of that most critical period in our nation's life, 
and I apprehend that much of that history will never be 
written in books, but will he buried with them — and 
the world will be so much the poorer. 

''Men's lives are chains of chances and history 
their sum." 

Paraphrasing the words of the immortal Lincoln, 
I would say : "Fondly let us hope, fervently let us 
pray, that the mighty scourge of war may have forever 
passed away," and in closing, join with Whittier in the 
desire that the time may speedily come — 

"When North and South shall strive no more, 
And all their feuds and fears be lost, 
In Freedom's holv Penticost" 



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